Theology Library
SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY AT CLAREMONT California
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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.
EDITED BY +T. E. PAGE, c.g., LitT.p. ΤῈ. CAPPS, PuH:p., LL.D. tT W. Η. ἢ. ROUSE, trrt.p. L. A. POST, t.a.p. E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a., F.R.HIST.SOC.
PROCOPIUS I]
Pesewpius, of Coesoven
PROCOPIUS
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY H. B. DEWING
IN SEVEN VOLUMES II
HISTORY OF THE WABS, BOOKS III AND IV
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD
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CONTENTS
HISTORY OF THE WARS—
BOOK I1l.—THE VANDALIC WAR. . . « « 0 « «-« 1 BOOK IV.—THE VANDALIO WAR (continued) - 209 . 461
IDMIDIODS Ss of BA Guoe a5 Go ho oie ao ae
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
HISTORY OF THE WARS: BOOK III
THE VANDALIC WAR
ΠΡΟΚΟΠΙΟΥ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΣ THEP TON ΠΟΛΕΜΩΝ ΛΟΙῸΣ TPITOS
I
Ὁ μὲν οὖν Μηδικὸς πόλεμος ἸἸουστινιανῷ Ba-
a, 6; la) 2 ΄ 2 Ν \ ΝΜ ,
σιλεῖ ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα" ἐγὼ δὲ ὅσα ἔς Te Βανδί-
λους καὶ Μαυρουσίους αὐτῷ εἴργασται φράσων ” / \ a a κά 7.
ἔρχομαι. λελέξεται δὲ πρῶτον ὅθε, ὁ Βανδίλων
\ a \
στρατὸς τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἐπέσκηψε χώρᾳ. ἐπειδὴ
Θεοδόσιος ὁ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτωρ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων
ἠφάνιστο, ἀνὴρ δίκαιος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα γεγονὼς
a ‘
καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, διεδεξάσθην αὐτοῦ τὴν
We + \ - ’ / \ ἐν βασιλείαν ἄμφω τὼ παῖδε, ᾿Αρκάδιος μὲν ὁ πρεσ- al Ν « βύτερος τὴν ἑῴαν μοῖραν, τὴν ἑσπερίαν δὲ “Ονώ- e δ Nyce ρίος ὁ νεώτερος. διῃρητο δὲ ὧδε τὸ Ῥωμαίων κράτος ἄνωθεν ἀπό τε Κωνσταντίνου καὶ τῶν a \
αὐτοῦ παίδων, ὃς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐς Βυξζάντιον ᾿ fal
μεταθέμενος μείζω τε τὴν πόλιν καὶ πολλῷ ἐπι-
a [οἷ an φανεστέραν καταστησάμενος ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀφῆκε προσαγορεύεσθαι.
Περιλαμβάνει μὲν κύκλῳ τὴν γῆν ὠκεανὸς ἢ ξύμπασαν ἢ τὴν πολλήν: οὐ γάρ πω σαφές τι ἀμφ᾽ αὐτῷ ἴσμεν' σχίζει δὲ αὐτὴν δίχα ἐς ἠπεί- 2
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA HISTORY OF THE WARS. BOOK III
THE VANDALIC WAR I
Sucu, then, was the final outcome of the Persian War for the Emperor Justinian; and I shall now proceed to set forth all that he did against the Vandals and the Moors. But first shall be told whence came the host of the Vandals when they descended upon the land of the Romans. After Theodosius, the Roman Emperor, had departed from the world, having proved himself one of the most just of men and an able warrior, his kingdom was taken over by his two sons, Arcadius, the elder, receiving the Eastern portion, and Honorius, the younger, the Western. But the Roman power had been thus divided as far back as the time of Con- stantine and his sons ; for he transferred his govern- ment to Byzantium, and making the city larger and much more renowned, allowed it to be named after him.
Now the earth is surrounded by a circle of ocean, either entirely or for the most part (for our know- ledge is not as yet at all clear in this inatter) ; and it
3
Jan. 17, 395 A.D.
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
΄ by ΄ » bd > a ἈΝ Ν ς ’ ρους δύο ἐκροή τις ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἑσπέριον a fe Ν \ 4 εἰσβάλλουσα μοῖραν καὶ ταύτην δὴ ποιουμένη , a! > f > τὴν θάλασσαν, ἀπὸ Vadetpwv μὲν ἀρξαμένη, és
na 4 tA 5 αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν Μαιῶτιν διήκουσα λίμνην. Tav-
a a > ,ὔ ταιν ταῖν ἠπείροιν ἁτέρα μὲν ἐν δεξιᾷ εἰσπλέοντι je 3 if τὴν θάλασσαν μέχρι Kal és THY λίμνην ᾿Ασία Ν a , rn κέκληται, ἀπό te Vadeipwv καὶ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν
6 Ἡρακλέους στηλῶν. Σέπτον καλοῦσι τὸ ἐκείνῃ
7
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φρούριον οἱ ἐπιχώριοι, λόφων τινῶν ἑπτὰ φαινο- μένων ἐνταῦθα: τὸ γὰρ σέπτον ἑπτὰ τῇ Λατίνων φωνῇ δύναται. ἡ δὲ ἀντιπέρας αὐτῇ ξύμπασα Ἐὐρώπη ἐκλήθη. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταύτῃ πορθμὸς τέτ- τάρσι καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίοις μάλιστα ἥπείΐρον ἑκατέραν διείργει, τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν πελάγεσι μεγά- λοις ἀλλήλαιν διέχετον μέχρις Ἑλλησπόντου. ταύτῃ γὰρ ξυνίασιν αὖθις ἀμφὶ Σηστόν τε καὶ ἼΛβυδον, καὶ πάλιν ἔν τε Βυξαντίῳ καὶ Karyn- δόνι μέχρι τῶν πάλαι Κυανέων λεγομένων πετρῶν, οὗ καὶ νῦν “Ἱερὸν ὀνομάζεται. ἐν τούτοις γὰρ δὴ τοῖς χωρίοις μέτρῳ δέκα σταδίων τε καὶ τούτου ἐλάσσονι διείργεσθον ἀλλήλαιν.
᾿Απὸ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἡρακλέους στηλῶν μέχρι ἐς τὴν ἑτέραν διὰ τῆς ἠιόνος ἰόντι καὶ οὐ περιερχομένῳ κόλπον τε τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον καὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον καλούμενον ἹΠόντον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔκ τε Καλχη- δόνος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἔκ τε Δρυοῦντος“ ἐς ἤπειρον 1 ἀρξαμένη-- διήκουσα : Christ prefers the accusative.
2 ἑπτά Ῥ: ἕβδομον V.
5 Καλχηδόνος Maltretus: χαρκηδόνος MSS., Καρχηδόνος Hoeschel in marg. * Spuodvtos MSS. : Ὑδροῦντος edd.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. i. 4-9
is split into two continents by a sort of outflow from the ocean, a flow which enters at the western part and. forms this Sea which we know, beginning at Gadira! and extending all the way to the Maeotic Lake.? Of these two continents the one to the right, as one sails into the Sea, as far as the Lake, has re- ceived the name of Asia, beginning at Gadira and at the southern’ of the two Pillars of Heracles. Septem* is the name given by the natives to the fort at that point, since seven hills appear there ; for “septem”’ has the force of “seven” in the Latin tongue. And the whole continent opposite this was named Europe. And the strait at that point separates the two continents® by about eighty-four stades, but from there on they are kept apart by wide expanses of sea as far as the Hellespont. For at this point they again approach each other at Sestus and Abydus, and once more at Byzantium and Chalcedon as far as the rocks called in ancient times the ‘“ Dark Blue Rocks,”’ where even now is the place called Hieron. For at these places the continents are separated from one another by a distance of only ten stades and even less than that.
Now the distance from one of the Pillars. of Heracles to the other, if one goes along the shore and does not pass around the Ionian Gulf and the sea called the Euxine but crosses from Chalcedon® to Byzantium and from Dryous’ to the opposite main-
1 Cadiz. 2% Sea of Azov. 38 Abila. Ἅ Or Septem Fratres.
5 Most ancient geographers divided the inhabited world into three continents, but some made two divisions. It was a debated question with these latter whether Africa belonged to Asia or to Europe ; ef. Sallust, Jugurtha, 17.
6 Kadi Keui.
7 More correctly Hydrous, Lat. Hydruntum (Otranto).
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τὴν ἀντιπέρας καταίροντι, πέντε καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων ὁδὸς ἡμερῶν ἐστιν, εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί. τὰ γὰρ ἀμφὶ. τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον, ὃς ἐκ Βυζαντίου χωρεῖ εἰς τὴν λίμνην, ἅπαντα ἀκριβολογεῖσθαι ἀμήχανα ἦν, βαρβάρων τῶν ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν “lo- τρον, ὃν καὶ Δανούβιον καλοῦσι, Ῥωμαίοις βατὴν ἥκιστα ποιουμένων. τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτήν, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἐκ Βυζαντίου μὲν ἐς τὰς τοῦ Ἴστρου ἐκβολὰς ἡμερῶν ἐστιν ὁδὸς δύο καὶ εἴκοσιν, ἅσπερ τῇ Εὐρώπῃ λογιζομένους ἐντιθέναι προσήκει. κατὰ δὲ τὴν τῆς ᾿Ασίας μοῖραν, εἴη δ᾽ ἂν ἐκ Καλχη- δόνος ἐς ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν, ὃς ῥέων ἐκ Κόλχων κάτεισιν ἐς τὸν Πόντον, ἀνύεται Ζεσσαράκοντα ὁδὸς ἡμερῶν. ὥστε ξύμπασα ἡ Ῥωμαίων ome κράτεια κατά γε τὴν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ ὁδὸν ἐς ἑπτὰ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων ἡμερῶν ξύνεισι μέτρον, ἤν τις, ὅπερ εἴρηται, τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον κόλπον ἐς ὀκτακοσίους μάλιστα διήκοντα σταδίους ἐκ Δρυοῦντος" διαπορθμεύηται. ἡ ἡ γὰρ τοῦ κόλπου πάροδος" ἐς ὁδὸν ἡ ἡμερῶν Binfield οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τεσ- σάρων. τοσαύτη μὲν ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴ κατά γε τὸν παλαιὸν ἐγένετο χρόνον.
Ἔπέβαλλε δὲ τῷ μὲν τὸ τῆς ἑσπερίας ἔχοντι κράτος Λιβύης τὰ πλεῖστα διήκοντα ἐ ἐς ἐνενήκοντα ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν" τοσοῦτον γὰρ τὸ ἐκ Γαδείρων ἐ ἐς τὰ ὅρια τῆς ἐν AtBon Τριπόλεώς ἐστιν" ἐν δὲ δὴ τῇ Εὐρώπῃ πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν ἔλαχε' τοσαύτη γὰρ ἡ ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἥρα-
1 Δρυοῦντος MSS.: ὙὙδροῦντος Maltretus, Dindorf. In P scholion δρυοὺς ἐστὶ τὸ viv βαρβαρικῶς λεγόμενον ὄτροντον (Otranto), ἤπειρος δὲ ὃ νῦν αὐλών (Avlona).
2 πάροδος Maltretus: περίοδος MSS., Haury suggests περαί- ωσιϑ.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. i. 9-15
land,! is a journey of two hundred and eighty-five days for an unencumbered traveller. For as to the land about the Euxine Sea, which extends from Byzantium to the Lake, it would be impossible to tell everything with precision, since the barbarians beyond the Ister River, which they also call the Danube, make the shore of that sea quite impossible for the Romans to traverse—except, indeed, that from Byzantium to the mouth of the Ister is a journey of twenty-two days, which should be added to the measure of Europe by one making the computation. And on the Asiatic side, that is from Chalcedon to the Phasis River, which, flowing from the country of the Colchians, descends into the Pontus, the journey is accomplished in forty days. So that the whole Roman domain, according to the distance along the sea at least, attains the measure of a three hundred and forty- seven days’ journey, if, as has been said, one ferries over the Ionian Gulf, which extends about eight hundred stades from Dryous. For the passage across the gulf? amounts to a journey of not less than four days. Such, then, was the size of the Roman empire in the ancient times. , And there fell to him who held the power in the West the most of Libya, extending ninety days’ journey—for such is the distance from Gadira to the boundaries of Tripolis in Libya; and in Europe he received as his portion territory extending seventy- five days’ journey—for such is the distance from the
1 At Aulon (Avlona). 2 Adding these four days to the other items (285, 22, 40),
the total is 351 days. ͵
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
κλεους στηλῶν ἐς κόλπον τὸν Ἰόνιον τυγχάνει οὖσα. προσθείη δὲ ἄν τις καὶ τὴν τοῦ κόλπου περίοδον. βασιλεὺς δὲ ὁ τῆς ἕω ἡμερῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ὁδὸν ἐκληρώσατο ἐκ τῶν Κυρήνης ὁρίων. τῆς ἐν Λιβύῃ “μέχρι ᾿Επιδάμνου, ἣ πρὸς αὐτῷ κεῖται τῷ Ἰονίῳ κόλπῳ, “Δυρράχιον τανῦν καλου- μένη, καὶ ὅση ἀμφὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον, ὡς ἔμπροσθεν εἴρήται; ὑπὸ “Ρωμαίοις ἐ ἐστί. μιᾶς δὲ ἡμέρας ὁδὸς ἐς δέκα καὶ διακοσίους “διήκει στα- δίους, ὅσον ᾿Αθήνηθεν “Μέγαράδε ἰέναι. οὕτω μὲν ἤπειρον ἑκατέραν οἱ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορες διείλοντο, σφίσι. τῶν δὲ δὴ νήσων Βρεττανία μέν, ἡ ἐκτὸς στηλῶν τῶν Ἡρακλείων νήσων πασῶν͵ μεγίστη παρὰ πολὺ οὖσα, μετὰ τῆς ἑσπε- ρίας, ὥς γε τὸ εἰκός, ἐτάττετο μοίρας" ἐντὸς δὲ αὐτῶν Ἔβουσα, ὥσπερ ἐν ΠΠροποντίδι τῇ μετὰ τὴν" ὠκεανοῦ ἐσβολὴν ἐν θαλάσσῃ κειμένη, ἐς ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν μάλιστα διήκουσα, καὶ δύο ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὴν ἕτεραι,“ Μαϊορίκα τε καὶ Μινορίκα ἐπιχωρίως καλούμεναι. τῶν δὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν νήσων ἑκάστη θατέρῳ τοῖν βασιλέοιν ἐπέϑαλεν, ὡς αὐτῇ ἐντός που τῶν ἐκείνου ὁρίων ξυνέβαινε κεῖσθαι.
II
‘Ovwptov δὲ τὴν πρὸς ἡλίου δυσμαῖς ἔχοντος βασιλείαν βάρβαροι τὴν ἐκείνου κατέλαβον χώραν' οἵτινες δὲ καὶ ὅτῳ “τρόπῳ, λελέξεται.
2 ἸΤοτθικὰ ἔθνη πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα πρότερόν τε
1 ὁδὸς P corr. : ὁδῶ V and P. 2 χὴν P: rod V. 3 ἕτεραι P; ἑταῖραι V.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. i. 15-ii. 2
northern! of the Pillars of Heracles to the Ionian Gulf.?, And one might add also the distance around the gulf. And the emperor of the East received territory extending one hundred and twenty days’ journey, from the boundaries of Cyrene in Libya as far as Epidamnus, which lies on the Ionian Gulf and is called at the present time Dyrrachium, as well as that portion of the country about the Euxine Sea which, as previously stated, is subject to the Romans. Now one day’s journey extends two hundred and ten stades,° or as far as from Athens to Megara, Thus, then, the Roman emperors divided either continent between them. And among the islands Britain, which is outside the Pillars of Heracles and by far the largest of all islands, was counted, as is natural, with the West; and inside the Pillars, Ebusa,* which lies in the Mediterranean in what we may call the Propontis, just inside the opening where the ocean enters, about seven days’ journey from the opening, and two others near it, Majorica and Minorica, as they are called by the natives, were also assigned to the Western empire. And each of the islands in the Sea itself fell to the share of that one of the two emperors within whose boundaries it happened to lie. =~. αρας
II
Now while Honorius was holding the imperial power in the West, barbarians took possession of his land ; and I shall tell who they were and in what manner they did so. There were many Gothic nations in
1 Calpe (Gibraltar).
2 2,6., instead of stopping at Otranto, one might also reckon in the coast-line around the Adriatic to Dyrrachium.
3 About twenty-four English miles. 4 Iviza, 9
395 -423 a.D
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἣν καὶ τανῦν ἔστι, τὰ δὲ δὴ πάντων μέγιστά τε καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα Τότθοι τέ εἰσι καὶ Βανδίλοι καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι καὶ Γήπαιδες. πάλαι μέντοι Σαυρομάται καὶ Μελάγχλαινοι ὠνομάζοντο" εἰσὶ δὲ of καὶ Τετικὰ ἔθνη ταῦτ᾽ ἐκάλουν. οὗτοι ἅπαντες ὀνόμασι μὲν ἀλλήλων διαφέρουσιν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ἄλλῳ δὲ τῶν πάντων οὐδενὶ διαλ- λάσσουσι. λευκοί τε γὰρ ἅπαντες τὰ σώματά εἰσι καὶ τὰς κόμας ξανθοί, εὐμήκεις τε καὶ ἀγαθοὶ τὰς ὄψεις, καὶ νόμοις μὲν τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρῶνται, ὁμοίως δὲ τὰ ἐς τὸν θεὸν αὐτοῖς ἤσκηται. τῆς
\ ? , ͵ SN eee, 1 ’ - γὰρ ᾿Αρείου δόξης εἰσὶν ἅπαντες, φωνὴ τε αὐτοῖς ἐστι μία, Τοτθικὴ λεγομένη" καί μου δοκοῦν" ἐξ ἑνὸς μὲν εἶναι ἅπαντες τὸ παλαιὸν ἔθνους, ὀνόμασι δὲ ὕστερον τῶν ἑκάστοις ἡγησαμένων διακεκρί- σθαι. οὗτος ὃ λεὼς ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον ἐκ παλαιοῦ ῴκουν. ἔπειτα Γήπαιδες μὲν τὰ ἀμφὶ ΣιγγιδόνονΣ τε καὶ Σίρμιον χωρία ἔσχον, ἐντός τε καὶ ἐκτὸς ποταμοῦ Ἴστρου, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἵδρυνται.
Τῶν δὲ δὴ ἄλλων Οὐισέγοτθοι μὲν ἐνθένδε ἀναστάντες τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐς ξυμμαχίαν Ἀρκαδίου βασιλέως ἀφίκοντο, χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον (οὐ γὰρ olde? βαρβάροις ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι ἡ ἐς Ῥωμαίους πίστις), ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς ᾿Αλαρίχου, ἐς ἐπι- βουλὴν ἑκατέρου βασιλέως ἐτράποντο, ἐκ Θράκης τε ἀρξάμενοι ξυμπάσῃ Evpwrn ὡς πολεμίᾳ ἐχρή- σαντο. βασιλεὺς δὲ “Ονώριος πρότερον μὲν ἐν Ῥώμῃ καθῆστο, οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ πολέμιον ἐν νῷ
1 δοκοῦν MSS. : δοκοῦσιν or δοκοῦντες Dindorf.
Δ x γγιδόνον Haury: σινγηδὸν V, σιγγηδόνα Ῥ. 3 οἷδε P: οὐδὲ V, P in marg.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 2-8
earlier times, just as also at the present, but the greatest and most important of all are the Goths, Vandals, Visigoths, and Gepaedes. In ancient times, however, they were named Sauromatae and Melan- chlaeni ;1 and there were some too who called these nations Getic. All these, while they are distinguished from one another by their names, as has been said, do not differ in anything else at all. For they all have white bodies and fair hair, and are tall and handsome to look upon, and they use the same laws and practise a common religion. For they are all of the Arian faith, and have one language called Gothic ; and, as it seems to me, they all came origin- ally from one tribe, and were distinguished later by the names of those who led each group. This people used to dwell above the Ister River from of old, Later on the Gepaedes got possession of the country about Singidunum? and Sirmium,? on both sides of the Ister River, where they have remained settled even down to my time.
But the Visigoths, separating from the others, removed from there and at first entered into an alliance with the Emperor Arcadius, but at a later time (for faith with the Komans cannot dwell in barbarians), under the leadership of Alaric, they became hostile to both emperors, and, beginning with Thrace, treated all Europe as an enemy’s land. Now the Emperor Honorius had before this time been sitting in Rome, with never a thought of war
1 « Black-cloaks,” 2 Belgrade. * Mitrovitz. 1
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ἔχων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγαπῶν, οἶμαι, ἤν τις αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἡσυχάζειν ἐῴη. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐκ ἄποθεν οἱ βάρβαροι, ἀλλά που ἐν Ταυλαντίοις εἶναι στρατῷ μεγάλῳ, ἠγγέλλοντο, καταλιπὼν τὰ βασίλεια οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ἐς Ῥάβενναν φεύγει, πόλιν ἐχυρὰν ἐς αὐτόν που λήγοντα κειμένην τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον. εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ καὶ φασὶν αὐτὸν τοὺς Bap- βάρους ἐπαγαγέσθαι, στάσεως αὐτῷ “πρὸς τῶν ὑπηκόων γεγενημένης, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες, ὅσα γε τὸ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκλογίξεσθαι ἦθος. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι, ἐ ἐπεὶ οὐδὲν σφίσιν ἀπήντα πολέμιον, γίνονται ὠμότατοι ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. πόλεις τε γάρ, ὅσας εἷλον, οὕτω κατειργάσαντο ὥστε οὐδὲν εἰς ἐμὲ αὐταῖς ἀπολέλειπται γνώρισμα, ἄχλως τε καὶ ἐντὸς τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι πύργον ἕνα ἢ πύλην μίαν ἤ τι τοιοῦτο. αὐταῖς περιεῖναι ξυνέβη: τούς τε ἀνθρώπους ἅπαντας ἔκτεινον, ὅσοι ἐγένοντο ἐν ποσίν, ὁμοίως μὲν πρεσβύτας, ὁμοίως δὲ νέους, οὔτε γυναικῶν οὔτε παίδων φειδόμενοι. ὅθεν εἰς ἔτι καὶ νῦν ὀλυγάνθρωπον τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ξυμβαίνει εἶναι. χρή- ματα δὲ ἅπαντα ἐληίσαντο ἐκ πάσης Εὐρώπης, καί, τό γε κεφάλαιον, ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν τε “δημοσίων τῶν τε ἰδίων οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀπολιπόντες ἐπὶ Γαλλίας ἐχώρησαν. τρόπῳ δὲ ὅτῳ Ῥώμην ᾿Αλάριχος εἷλεν, ἐγὼ δηλώσω.
Ἐπειδὴ χρόνος τέ οἱ πολὺς ἐν TH προσεδρείᾳ ἐτέτριπτο καὶ οὔτε βίᾳ οὔτε τινὶ μηχανῇ spe ἴσχυσε τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν, ἐπενόει, τάδε. τῶν vt στρατῷ νεανιῶν οὔπω γενειασκόντων, ἀλλ᾽ ἄρτι ἡβηκότων, τριακοσίους ἀπολεξάμενος, οὕσπερ εὖ
1 ἐν MS. ; ἐν τῷ Hoeschel.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 8-15
in his mind, but glad, I think, if men allowed him to remain quiet in his palace. But when word was brought that the barbarians with a great army were not far off, but somewhere among the Taulantii,! he abandoned the palace and fled in disorderly fashion to Ravenna, a strong city lying just about at the end of the Ionian Gulf, while some say that he brought in the barbarians himself, because an uprising had been started against him among his subjects ; but this does not seem to me trustworthy, as far, at least, as one can judge of the character of the man. And the barbarians, finding that they had no hostile force to encounter them, became the most cruel of all men. For they destroyed all the cities which they captured, especially those south of the Ionian Gulf, so completely that nothing has been left to my time to know them by, unless, indeed, it might be one tower or one gate or some such thing which chanced toremain. And they killed all the people, as many as came in their way, both old and young alike, sparing neither women nor children. “Wherefore even up to the present time Italy is sparsely populated. They also gathered as plunder all the money out of all Europe, and, most important of all, they left in Rome nothing whatever of public or private wealth when they moved on to Gaul. But I shall now tell how Alaric captured Rome. E
After much time had been spent by him in the siege, and he had not been able either by force or by any other device to capture the place, he formed the following plan. Among the youths in the army whose beards had not yet grown, but who had just come of’ age, he. chose out three hundred whom he
1 Τῇ Ilyricum. 13
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τε γεγονέναι καὶ ὑπὲρ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀρετῆς pera- ποιεῖσθαι ἠπίστατο, ἔφασκε μὲν αὐτοῖς κρύφα ὡς σφίσι τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ πατρικίων τινάς, ἅτε δούλοις οὖσι δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ, δωρήσεσθαι μέλλοι. 16 παρήγγελλε δὲ ὥστε, ἐπειδὰν ἐν ταῖς ἐκείνων οἰκίαις. τάχιστα γένωνται, πρᾳότητα πολλὴν καὶ σωφροσύνην ἐνδεικνυμένους ἅπαντα προθύμως ὑπηρετεῖν, ἅπερ ἂν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τῶν κεκτημένων 171 ἐπικείμενα ἦ' ἔπειτα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον καὶ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τακτῇ ἀμφὶ ἡμέραν μάλιστα μέσην, ἁπάν- των ἤδη τῶν αὐτοὺς ληψομένων ὕπνον, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, μετὰ τὰ σιτία αἱρουμένων, ἐν πύλῃ ἅπαντας τῇ Σαλαρίᾳ καλουμένῃ γενέσθαι, καὶ τούς τε φύλακας οὐδὲν προαισθομένους ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς κτεῖναι τάς τε πύλας ἀνοιγνύναι ὡς τάχιστα. 18 ταῦτα ἐπαγγείλας ᾿Αλάριχος τοῖς νεανίαις, πρέσβεις αὐτίκα πρὸς τοὺς ἐκ βουλῆς ἔπεμψε, δηλῶν ὅτι ἀγασθείη μὲν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἐς τὸν σφῶν βασιλέα εὐνοίας, οὐκέτι δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐνοχλήσει, τῆς τε ἀρετῆς καὶ πίστεως ἕνεκα, ἧς ἐς ἄγαν μεταποιεῖσθαί εἰσιν ἔνδηλοι, ὅπως τε αὐτοῦ μνημεῖα παρ᾽ ἀνδράσι καλοῖς τε καὶ ἀγαθοῖς σώξοιτο, οἰκέταις τισὶ δωρεῖσθαι βούλοιτο αὐτῶν 19 ἕκαστον. ταῦτα σημήνας καὶ τοὺς νεανίας οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν στείλας, συσκευάξεσθαι, ἐς τὴν ἄφοδον 1 ‘rods βαρβάρους ἐκέλευε, τούτου τε αἴσθησιν 20 “Ρωμαίοις παρεῖχεν. of δὴ τούς τε λόγους ἄσμενοι ἤκουσαν καὶ τὰ δῶρα δεξάμενοι ἐν πολλῇ εὐπαθείᾳ ἐγένοντο, ἑκαστάτω τῆς τοῦ βαρβάρου 21 ἐπιβουλῆς ὄντες. οἵ τε γὰρ νέοι τῷ εὐπει- θέστεροι τοῖς κεκτημένοις εἶναι τὸ ὕποπτον ἄφοδον Maltretus: ἔφοδον MS.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 15-21
knew to be of good birth and possessed of valour beyond their years, and told them secretly that he was about to make a present of them to certain of the patricians in Rome, pretending that they were slaves. And he instructed them that, as soon as they got inside the houses of those men, they should display much gentleness and moderation and serve them eagerly in whatever tasks should be laid upon them by their owners ; and he further directed them that not long afterwards, on an appointed day at about midday, when all those who were to be their masters would most likely be already asleep after their meal, they should all come to the gate called Salarian and with a sudden rush kill the guards, who would have no previous knowledge of the plot, and open the gates as quickly as possible. After giving these orders to the youths, Alaric straightway sent ambassadors to the members of the senate, stating that he admired them for their loyalty toward their emperor, and that he would trouble them no longer, because of their valour and faithfulness, with which it was plain that they were endowed to a remarkable degree, and in order that tokens of himself might be preserved among men’ both noble and brave, he wished to present each one of them with some domestics. After making this de- claration and sending the youths not long after- wards, he commanded the barbarians to make prepar- ations for the departure, and he let this be known to the Romans. And they heard his words gladly, and receiving the gifts began to be exceedingly happy, since they were completely ignorant of the plot of the barbarian. For the youths, by being unusually obedient to their owners, averted suspicion, and in
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀπεκρούοντο, τοῦ τε στρατοπέδου οἱ μὲν ἤδη ἐξανιστάμενοί τε καὶ διαλύοντες τὴν προσεδρείαν ἐφαίνοντο, οἱ δὲ ὃ ὅσον οὔπω ταὐτὸ τοῦτο ποιήσειν ἐπίδοξοι ἢ ἦσαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ ἡ κυρία παρῆν, ᾿Αλάριχος μὲν ἅπαν ἐξοπλίσας τὸ στράτευμα ὡς ἐς τὴν ἔφοδον | ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχεν ἄγχιστα πύλης τῆς Σαλαρίας" ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενος τῆς πολιορκίας κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἔτυχε. ξύμπαντες δὲ οἱ νεανίαι καιρῷ τῆς ἡμέρας τῷ ξυγκειμένῳ ἐς ταύτην én τὴν πύλην γενόμενοι, τούς τε φύλακας ἐς τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐπελθόντες ἀπέκτειναν, τάς τε πύλας ἀνακλίναντες κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ᾿Αλάριχόν τε καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν τῇ πόλει ἐδέξαντο. οἱ δὲ τάς τε οἰκίας. ἐνέπρησαν al τῆς πύλης ἄγχιστα ᾿ ἦσαν, ἐν αἷς ἣν καὶ ἡ Σαλουστίου, τοῦ “Ῥωμαίοις τὸ παλαιὸν τὴν ἱστορίαν γράψαντος, ἧ ς δὴ τὰ πλεῖστα ἡμίκαυτα καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἕστηκε: τήν τε πόλιν ὅλην δληισάμενοι καὶ Ῥωμαίων τοὺς πλείστους διαφθείραντες πρόσω ἐχώρουν. τότε λέγουσιν ἐν “Ῥαβέννῃ ‘Ovapio τῷ. βασιλεῖ τῶν τινα εὐνούχων. δηλονότι ὀρνιθοκόμον ἀγγεῖλαι
ὅτι δὴ Ῥώμη ἀπόλωλε. καὶ τὸν ἀνα βοήσαντα
φάναι. si Καίτοι ἐ ἔναγχος ἐδήδοκεν ἐκ χειρῶν τῶν ἐμῶν. εἶναι γάρ οἱ ἀλεκτρυόνα ὑπερμεγέθη, Ῥώμην ¢ ὄνομα: καὶ τὸν μὲν εὐνοῦχον ξυνέντα τοῦ λόγου εἰπεῖν Ῥώμην τὴν πόλιν πρὸς ᾿Αλαρίχου ἀπολωλέναι, ἀνενεγκόντα: δὲ τὸν βασιλέα ὑπο- λαβεῖν: * “AY ἔγωγε, ὧ ἑταῖρε, Ῥώμην μοι ἀπολωλέναι τὴν ὄρνιν ὠήθην." τοσαύτῃ ἀμαθίᾳ τὸν βασιλέα τοῦτον ἔχεσθαι λέγουσι. 1 ἔφοδον MS. : ἄφοδον Braun.
3 ἀπέκτειναν Hoeschel: ἁπέκτειναν P, ἅπαντ᾽ ἔκτειναν P corr.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 21-26
the camp some were already seen moving from their positions and raising the siege, while it seemed that the others were just on the point of doing the very same thing. But when the appointed day had come, Alaric armed his whole force for the attack and was holding them in readiness close by the Salarian Gate; for it happened that he had en- camped there at the beginning of the siege. And all the youths at the time of the day agreed upon came to this gate, and, assailing the guards suddenly, put them to death; then they opened the gates and received Alaric and the army into the city at their leisure. And they set fire to the houses which were next to the gate, among which was also the house of Sallust, who in ancient times wrote the history of the Romans, and the greater part of this house has stood half-burned up to my time; and after plundering the whole city and destroying the most of the Romans, they moved on. At that time they say that the Emperor Honorius in Ravenna received the message from one of the eunuchs, evidently a keeper of the poultry, that Rome had perished. And he cried out and said, “ And yet it has just eaten from my hands!” For he had a very large cock, Rome by name; and the eunuch com- prehending his words said that it was the city of Rome which had perished at the hands of Alaric, and the emperor with a sigh of relief answered quickly : “ But I, my good fellow, thought that my fowl Rome had perished.”” So great, they say, was the folly with which this emperor was possessed.
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Aug. 24, 410 A.D.
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Τινὲς δὲ οὐχ οὕτω Ῥώμην ᾿Αλαρίχῳ ἁλῶναί φασιν, ἀλλὰ “Πρόβην γυναῖκα, πλούτῳ τε καὶ δόξῃ ἔν ye τῇ Ῥωμαίων βουλῇ ἐπιφανεστάτην μάλιστα οὖσαν, οἰκτεῖραι μὲν λιμῷ τε καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ κακοπαθείᾳ διαφθειρομένους “Ῥωμαίους, οἵ γε καὶ ἀχλήλων ἤδη ἐγεύοντο" ὁρῶσαν δὲ ὡς πᾶσα αὐτοὺς ἐλπὶς ἀγαθὴ ἐπιλελοίπει, τοῦ τε ποταμοῦ καὶ τοῦ λιμένος ἐχομένου πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων, τοῖς οἰκέταις ἐγκελεύσασθαι. νύκτωρ ἀνοιγνύναι τὰς πύλας.
᾿Βπειδὴ δὲ ᾿Αλάριχος ἐκ Ῥώμης ἐξανίστασθαι ἔμελλεν, "Ἄτταλον τῶν τινα εὐποτριοθῃ “βασιλέα Ῥωμαίων. ἀνεῖπε, περιθέμενος | αὐτῷ τό τε διά- δημα καὶ τὴν ἁλουργίδα καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἐς βασιλικὸν ἀξίωμα ἥκει. ἔπρασσε δὲ ταῦτα ὡς παραλύσων μὲν τῆς βασιλείας νώριον, παραδώσων δὲ ἅ ἅπαν ᾿Αττάλῳ τὸ ἑσπέριον κράτος. τοιαύτῃ μὲν γνώμῃ "Ατταλός τε καὶ ᾿Αλάριχος ἐπὶ “ΡῬάβενναν στρατῷ πολλῷ ἤεσαν. ἣν δὲ ὁ ο Ἄτταλος οὗτος οὔτε αὐτός τι νοεῖν ἱκανὸς οὔτε τῷ εὖ εἰπόντι πεισθῆναι. ᾿Αλαρίχου γοῦν ἥκιστα ἐπαινοῦντος ἐς Λιβύην στρατιᾶς χωρὶς ἄρχοντας ἔπεμψε. ταῦτα μὲν οὗν ἐπράσσετο τῇδε.
Βρεττανία δὲ ἡ νῆσος Ῥωμαίων ἀπέστη, οἵ τὲ ἐκείνῃ στρατιῶται, ϑασιλέα σφίσι Κωνσταντῖνον εἵλοντο, οὐκ ἀφανῆ ἄνδρα. ὃς δὴ αὐτίκα στόλον τε ἀγείρας νηῶν καὶ στρατιὰν λόγου ἀξίαν ἐς ἹἽσπανίαν τε καὶ Γαλλίαν ὡς δουλωσόμενος στρατῷ μεγάλῳ ἐσέβαλεν. νώριος δὲ πλοῖα μὲν 2 ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχε, προσεδέχετο δὲ τὰς ἐκ
- περιθέμενος Ρ: παραθέμενος Vic 2 δὲ πλοῖα μὲν P: μὲν πλοῖα V.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 27-32
But some say that Rome was not captured in this way by Alaric, but that Proba, a woman of very unusual eminence in wealth and in fame among the Roman senatorial class, felt pity for the Romans who were being destroyed by hunger and the other suffering they endured; for they were already even tasting each other’s flesh; and seeing that every good hope had left them, since both the river and the harbour were held by the enemy, she commanded her domestics, they say, to open the gates by night.
Now when Alaric was about to depart from Rome, he declared Attalus, one of their nobles, emperor of the Romans, investing him with the diadem and the purple and whatever else pertains to the imperial dignity. And he did this with the intention of removing Honorius from his throne and of giving over the whole power in the West to Attalus. With such a purpose, then, both Attalus and Alaric were going with a great army against Ravenna. But this Attalus was neither able to think wisely himself, nor to be persuaded by one who had wisdom to offer. So while Alaric did not by any means approve the plan, Attalus sent commanders to Libya without an army. Thus, then, were these things going on.
‘And the island of Britain revolted from the Romans, and the soldiers there chose as their king Constan- tinus, a man of no mean station. And he straightway gathered a fleet of ships and a formidable army and invaded both Spain and Gaul with a great force, think- ing to enslave these countries. But Honorius was holding, ships in readiness and waiting to see what
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407 A.D
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Λιβύης τύχας, ὅπως, ἣν μὲν ἀποκρουσθεῖεν. οἱ παρὰ ᾿Αττάλου σταλέντες, πλέοι τε αὐτὸς ἐπὶ Λιβύης καὶ μοῖράν τινα τῆς βασιλείας τῆς αὐτοῦ ἔχοι, ἢν δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας αὐτῷ τὰ ἐκείνῃ. πράγ- ματα ἴοι, ἐς Θεοδόσιόν τε ἵκοιτο καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ εἴη. ᾿Αρκαδίου γὰρ ἤδη πολλῷ πρότερον τελευτή- σαντος, Θεοδόσιος ἐκείνου υἱός, ἔτι παῖς ὧν κομιδῆ, εἶχε τῆς ἕω᾿ ἀρχήν. ταῦτα ‘Oveopup καραδοκοῦντι, καὶ ἐν τρικυμίαις φερομένῳ τῆς τύχης εὐτυχήματα θαυμάσια ἡλίκα ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. φιλεῖ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς τοῖς οὔτε ἀγχίνοις οὔτε τι οἴκοθεν μηχανᾶσθαι οἵοις τε οὖσιν, ἢν μὴ πονηροὶ εἶεν, ἀπορουμένοις τὰ “ἔσχατα ἐπι- κουρεῖν τε καὶ ξυχλαμβάνεσθαι" ὁποῖον δή τι καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τούτῳ τετύχηκεν. ἔκ τε γὰρ Λιβύης ὡς διαφθαρεῖεν. οἱ ᾿Αττάλου ἄρχοντες ἄφνω ἠγγέλλετο, καὶ τηῶν πλῆθος ἐκ Βυξαντίου στρατιώτας ἔχουσαι ὅτι πλείστους ἐς ἐπικουρίαν αὐτῷ ἀφικομένους οὐ προσδεχομένῳ παρῆσαν, διάφορός τε ᾿Αττάλῳ γεγονὼς ᾿Αλάριχος τό τε τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτὸν ἀφαιρεῖται σχῆμα καὶ ἐν ἰδιώτου ἤδη τελοῦντα μοίρᾳ ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχε. μετὰ δὲ ᾿Αλάριχος μὲν τελευτᾷ νόσῳ, ὁ δὲ τῶν Οὐισυγότθων στρατός, ἡγουμένου σφίσιν ᾽Αδα- ούλφου, ἐπὶ Γαλλίας ἐχώρησαν, καὶ Κωνσταν- τῖνος μάχῃ ἡσσηθεὶς ξὺν τοῖς παισὶ θνήσκει. Βρεττανίαν μέντοι͵ Ῥωμαῖοι ἀνασώσασθαι οὐκέτι ἔσχον, AAN οὖσα ὑπὸ τυράννοις ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἔμεινε. Toro δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἴστρου διάβασιν “ποιη- σάμενοι Ἰ]αννονίαν μὲν τὰ πρῶτα ἔσχον, ἔπειτα δὲ βασιλέως δόντος ῴκησαν τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾷκης
1 τῆς €w Vi: τὴν ἑώαν P. 20
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 32--.0
would happen in Libya, in order that, if those sent
by Attalus were repulsed, he might himself sail for Libya and keep some portion of his own kingdom, while if matters there should go against him, he might reach Theodosius and remain with him. For Arcadius had already died long before, and his son Theodosius, still a very young child,! held the power of the East. But while Honorius was thus anxiously awaiting the outcome of these events and tossed amid the billows of uncertain fortune, it so chanced that some wonderful pieces of good fortune befell him. For God is accustomed to succour those who are neither clever nor able to devise anything of them- selves, and to lend them assistance, if they be not wicked, when they are in the last extremity of despair ; such a thing, indeed, befell this emperor. For it was suddenly reported from Libya that the commanders of Attalus had been destroyed, and that a host of ships was at hand from Byzantium with a very great number of soldiers who had come to assist him, though he had not expected them, and that Alaric, having quarrelled with Attalus, had stripped him of the emperor’s garb and was now keeping him under guard in the position of a private citizen. And afterwards Alaric died of disease, and the army of the Visigoths under the leadership of Adaulphus proceeded into Gaul, and Constantinus, defeated in battle, died with his sons. However the Romans never succeeded in recovering Britain, but it remained from that time on under tyrants. And the Goths, after making the crossing of the Ister, at first occu- pied Pannonia, but afterwards, since the emperor
gave them the right, they inhabited the country of
1 He ascended the throne at the age of seven. 21
408-450 Α-Ρ
411 α.Ὁ.
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
la) \ if 40 χωρία. ἐνταῦθά te οὐ πολὺν διατρίψαντες , a > \ fo] χρόνον τῆς ἑσπερίας ἐκράτησαν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα lal n la ? / μὲν ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῶν Γότθων εἰρήσεται.
III
Βανδίλοι δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν ὠκημένοι λίμνην, ἐπειδὴ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, ἐς Γερμανούς τε, οἱ νῦν Φράγγοι καλοῦνται, καὶ ποταμὸν ἱῬῆνον ἐχώρουν,
2 ᾿Αλανοὺς ἑταιρισάμενοι, Γοτθικὸν ἔθνος. εἶτα ἐνθένδε, ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Γωδιγίσκλου, ἐν ‘Io- πανίᾳ ἱδρύσαντο, ἣ πρώτη ἐστὶν ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ χώρα τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς. τότε ξυμβαίνει Γωδιυγίσκλῳ ‘Ovepios ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δὴ οὐκ ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῆς χώρας
8 ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσονται. νόμου δὲ ὄντος Ῥωμαίοις, ἤν τινες οὐχ ὑπὸ ταῖς οἰκείαις χερσὶ τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔχοιεν καὶ τρίβοιτο χρόνος εἰς τριάκοντα ἐνιαυτοὺς ἥκων, τούτοις δὴ 1 οὐκέτι εἶναι κυρίοις ἐπὶ τοὺς βιασαμένους ἰέναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐς παραγραφὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεκρίσθαι τὴν ἐς τὸ δικαστήριον εἴσ- οδον, νόμον ἔγραψεν ὅπως ὁ τῶν Βανδίλων χρόνος, ὃν ἂν ἔν ye τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ. διατρίβοιεν, ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν τριακοντοῦτιν παραγραφὴν ἥκιστα
4 φέροιτο. “Ονώριος μέν, ἐς τοῦτό οἱ τῆς ἑσπερίας ἐληλαμένης, ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ. ἐτύγχανε δὲ πρό- τερον ξὺν τῷ “Ονωρίῳ τὴν βασιλείαν Κωνστάντιος
1 δὴ Haury: δὲ MSS., Christ would delete. FR eee ὼ 1 That is, the actual occupant could enter a demurrer to the former owner’s action for recovery, citing his own occu- pancy for thirty years or more. The new law extended the period during which the ousted proprietor could recover
22
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 39-iii. 4
Thrace. And after spending no great time there they conquered the West. But this will be told in the narrative concerning the Goths,
ΠῚ
Now the Vandals dwelling about the Maeotic Lake, since they were pressed by hunger, moved to the country of the Germans, who are now called Franks, and the river Rhine, associating with them- selves the Alani, a Gothic people. Then from there, under the leadership of Godigisclus, they moved and settled in Spain, which is the first land of the Roman empire on the side of the ocean. At that time Honorius made an agreement with Godigisclus that they should settle there on condition that it should not be to the detriment of the country. But there was a law among the Romans, that if any persons should fail to keep their property in their own possession, and if, meanwhile, a time amounting to thirty years should pass, that these persons should thenceforth not be entitled to proceed against those who had forced them out, but they were excluded by demurrer 1 fom access to the court; and in view of this he established a law that whatever time should. be spent by the Vandals in the Roman domain should not by any means be counted toward this thirty-year demurrer. And Honorius himself, when the West had been driven by him to this pass, died of disease. Now before this, as it happened, the royal power had been shared by possession, ‘by admitting no demurrer from the occupant so far as the years were concerned during which the Vandals should be in possession of the country.
23
Aug. 27, 423 A.D.
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἔχων, τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίου τε καὶ ‘Ovepiov ἀδελφῆς Τλακιδίας ἀνήρ, ὃς ἡμέρας τῇ ἀρχῇ ἐπιβιοὺς ὀλίγας, πονήρως τε νοσήσας εἶτα ἀπέθανεν, ᾿Ονωρίου ζῶντος, οὐδὲν οὔτε εἰπεῖν λόγου ἄξιον οὔτε πρᾶξαι ἰσχύσας: οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐπήρκει ὁ χρόνος ὃν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ ἐβίου. τούτου δὴ τοῦ Κωνσταντίου παῖς Βαλεντινιανός, ἄρτι τοῦ τιτθοῦ ἀπαλλαγείς, ἐν τοῖς Θεοδοσίου βασιλείοις ἐτρέ- pero, οἱ δὲ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ βασιλέως αὐλῆς τῶν TWA ἐκείνῃ στρατιωτῶν, ᾿Ιωάννην ὁ ὄνομα, βασιλέα αἱροῦνται. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ πρᾷός τε καὶ ξυνέσεως εὖ ἥκων καὶ ἀρετῆς μεταποιεῖσθαι ἐξεπιστάμενος. πέντε γοῦν ἔτη τὴν τυραννίδα ἔχων μετρίως ἐξηγήσατο, καὶ οὔτε! τοῖς διαβάλ- λουσι τὴν ἀκοὴν ὑπέσχεν ® οὔτε: φόνον ἄδικον εἰργάσατο ἑκών γε εἶναι οὔτε χρημάτων ἀφαι- ρέσει ἐπέθετο" ἐς δὲ , βαρβάρους οὐδὲν ὅ ὅ τιϑ καὶ πρᾶξαι οἷός τε ἐγεγόνει, ἐπεί οἱ τὰ ἐκ Βυζαντίου πολέμια ἣν. ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην Θεοδόσιος ὃ ᾿Αρκαδίου στρατὸν πολὺν πέμψας καὶ στρατη- γοὺς "᾿Ασπαρά τε καὶ ᾿Αρδαβούριον, τὸν “Ag mapos υἱόν, αὐτόν τε ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ Βαλεντινιανῷ ἔτι παιδὶ ὄντι τὴν βασιλείαν Tape: δωκε. ζῶντα δὲ Βαλεντινιανὸς Ἰωάννην λαβὼν ἔν τε τῷ ᾿Ακυληίας ἱπποδρομίῳ τὴν ἑτέραν ταῖν χεροῖν ἀποκοπέντα εἰσῆγεν ᾿ἐπόμπευσέ τε ὄνῳ ὀχούμενον, καὶ πολχὰ παρὰ τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς ἐνταῦθα παθόντα τε καὶ ἀκούσαντα ἔκτεινεν. οὕτω μὲν Βαλεντινιανὸς τὸ τῆς ἑσπερίας παρέλαβε
1 οὔτε-- οὔτε---οτε Dindorf: οὐδέ-- οὐδέ---οὐὐδέ MSS.
2 ὑπέσχεν P: ἐπέσχεν V.
34 τι καί MSS. : Haury suggests ὅ τι καὶ λόγου ἄξιον ; οἵ. eh. xvi. 15.
24
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 4-9
Honorius with Constantius, the husband of Placidia, the sister of Arcadius and Honorius; but he lived to exercise the power only a few days, and then, becoming seriously ill, he died while Honorius was still living, having never succeeded in saying or in doing anything worth recounting; for the time was not sufficient during which he lived in possession of the royal power. Nowa son of this Constantius, Valentinian, a child just weaned, was being reared in the palace of Theodosius, but the members of the imperial court in Rome chose one of the soldiers there, John by name, as emperor. This man was both gentle and well-endowed with sagacity and thoroughly capable of valorous deeds. At any rate he held the tyranny five years! and directed it with moderation, and he neither gave ear to slanderers nor did he do any unjust murder, willingly at least, nor did he set. his hand to robbing men of money ; but he did not prove able to do anything at all against the barbarians, since his relations with Byzantium were hostile. Against this John, Theo- dosius, the son of Arcadius, sent a great army and Aspar and Ardaburius, the son of Aspar, as generals; and wrested from him the tyranny and gave over the royal power to Valentinian, who was still a child. And Valentinian took John alive, and he brought him out in the hippodrome of Aquileia with one of his hands cut off and caused him to ride in state on an ass, and then after he had suffered much ill treatment from thé stage-performers there, both in word and in deed, he put him to death. Thus Valentinian took
1 This is an error; he really ruled only eighteen months.
25 VOL. II. B
421 A.D.
426 A.D.
10
1
12
18
14
15
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
a f κράτος. Ἰϊλακιδία δὲ ἡ αὐτοῦ μήτηρ θηλυνο- Ν ‘ \ f μένην παιδείαν τε καὶ τροφὴν! τὸν βασιλέα A / 3 τοῦτον ἐξέθρεψέ τε καὶ ἐξεπαίδευσε,Σ καὶ ἀπ᾽ a \ 14 αὐτοῦ κακίας ἔμπλεως ἐκ παιδὸς γέγονε. φαρμα- a a By κεῦσί τε yap τὰ πολλὰ Kal τοῖς ἐς τὰ ἄστρα lA a περιέργοις ὡμίλει, ἔς τε ἀλλοτρίων γυναικῶν ἔρωτας δαιμονίως ἐσπουδακὼς πολλῇ ἐχρῆτο ἐς \ n τὴν δίαιταν παρανομίᾳ, καίπερ γυναικὶ ξυνοικῶν εὐπρεπεῖ τὴν ὄψιν ἐς ἄγαν οὔσῃ. ταῦτά τοι td Ὁ ld > 2 ze οὐδέ TL ἀνεσώσατο τῇ βασιλείᾳ ὧν ἀφήρητο Tpo- > Ni AN Ud , Ν > Ν τερον, ἀλλὰ καὶ Λιβύην προσαπώλεσε καὶ AUTOS ἐφθάρη. καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐτελεύτησε, τῇ τε γυναικὶ ταῖς τε παισὶ δορυαλώτοις γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσε. / NK AES UA 4 γέγονε δὲ ὧδε TO ἐν Λιβύῃ πάθος. B , Στρατηγὼ δύο Ῥωμαίων " ἤστην, ᾿Δέτιός τε καὶ Βονιφάτιος, καρτερώ τε ὡς * μάλιστα καὶ πολλῶν r ’ na πολέμων ἐμπείρω TOV γε κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον Ie οὐδενὸς ἧσσον. τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε διαφόρω μὲν τὰ πολιτικὰ ἐγενέσθην, ἐς τοσοῦτον δὲ μεγαλοψυχίας τε καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς ἡκέτην ὥστε, εἴ τις a ε αὐτοῖν ἑκάτερον ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ὕστατον εἴποι, οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι: οὕτω τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρετὴν ξύμ- πασαν ἐς τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε ἀποκεκρίσθαι τετύχηκε. vA Ό τούτοιν τὸν ἕτερον Βονιφάτιον ἡ Π]λακιδία στρα- ὡΣ a τηγὸν ἀπέδειξε Λιβύης ἁπάσης. τοῦτο δὲ ov / a ? / 2 ϑ' ὦ / € > _N βουλομένῳ ἣν ᾿Δετίῳ, ἀλλ ἥκιστά γε ὡς avTOV οὐκ ἀρέσκει ἐξήνεγκεν. οὔπω γὰρ αὐτοῖν ἡ ἔχθρα > n ? 50 > bk KS Ni lol , 6 ε I ἐς φῶς ἐληλύθει, ἀλλ ὑπὸ TO προσώπῳ" EKATEPH
1 θηλυνομένην---τροφὴν V: θηλυνομένη παιδεία τε καὶ τροφὴ P
pr. m. 2 ἐξεπαίδευσε V: ἐπαίδευσε P. 3 ῥωμαίων Vi: ῥωμαῖοι P. 4 ὡς V: és τὰ Pz 5 εἴποι Ῥ: εἴπη Υ. ὁ προσώπων : προσωπείω Ῥ,
26
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 9-16
over the power of the West. But Placidia, his mother, -
had reared this emperor and educated him in an altogether effeminate manner, and in consequence he was filled with wickedness from childhood. For he associated mostly with sorcerers and those who busy themselves with the stars, and, being an extraordinarily zealous pursuer of love affairs with other men’s wives, he conducted himself in a most indecent manner, although he was married to a woman of exceptional beauty. -And not only was this true, but he also failed to recover for the empire anything of what had been wrested from it before, and he both lost Libya in addition to the territory previously lost and. was himself destroyed. And when he perished, it fell to the lot of his wife and his children to become captives. Now thedisasterin Libya came about as follows.
There were two Roman generals, Aetius and Boniface, especially valiant men and in experience of many wars inferior to none of that time at least. These two came to be at variance in regard to matters
455 a.D,
of state, but they attained to such a degree of high- _
mindedness and excellence in every respect that if one should call either of them “the last of the Romans” he would not err, so true was it that all the excellent qualities of the Romans were summed up in these two men. One of these, Boniface, was appointed by Placidia general of all Libya. Now this was not in accord with the wishes of Aetius, but he by no means disclosed the fact that it did not please him. For their hostility had not as yet come to light, but was concealed behind the countenance
27
17
20
21
23
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐκρύπτετο. ἐπεὶ δέ of! Βονιφάτιος ἐκποδὼν ἐγε- γόνει, διέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν ΠΠλακιδίαν ὡς τυραν- γνοίη, ἀποστερήσας αὐτήν τε καὶ βασιλέα Λιβύης ἁπάσης, ῥᾷάδιόν τε εἶναι αὐτῇ ἔλεγε τἀληθὲς ἐξευρεῖν. ἢν yap μεταπέμποιτο Βονιφάτιον ἐς Ῥώμην, οὐ μή ποτε ἔλθῃ. ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν ἡ γυνή, εὖ τέ οἱ εἰπεῖν ᾿Αέτιος ἔδοξε καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. προτερήσας δὲ ᾿Αέτιος ἔγραψε πρὸς Βονιφάτιον λάθρα ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοι αὐτῷ ἡ βασιλέως μήτηρ καὶ βούλοιτο αὐτὸν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι. καί οἱ τεκμήριον τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς προηγόρευεν ἔσεσθαι μέγα" ἐξ αἰτίας γὰρ οὐδε- μιᾶς αὐτίκα μάλα μετάπεμπτος ἔσται. ταῦτα μὲν ἡ ἐπιστολὴ ἐδήλου. Βονιφάτιος δὲ οὐκ ἀλο-. γήσας τὰ γεγραμμένα, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα παρῆσαν of αὐτὸν ws? βασιλέα ἐκάλουν, ἀπεῖπε τὸ μὴ βασιλεῖ τε καὶ τῇ αὐτοῦ μητρὶ ἐπακούειν, οὐδενὶ τὴν ᾿Αετίου ὑποθήκην ἐκφήνας. Ἰ]Πλακιδία μὲν οὖν ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσεν, ᾿Αέτιόν τε τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν εὔνουν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ᾧετο εἶναι καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ Βονιφατίου ἐν βουλῇ εἶχε. Βονιφάτιος δὲ (καὶ γάρ οἱ οὔτε βασιλεῖ ἐδόκει ἀντιτάξασθαι οἵῳ τε εἶναι ἐς Ῥώμην τε ἀπιόντι οὐδεμία σωτηρία ἐφαίνετο) βουλεύεται ὅπως οἱ, ἢν δύνηται, ὁμαιχ- μία ἐς τοὺς Βανδίλους ἔσται, οἱ ἐν ᾿ἱσπανίᾳ, ὡς πρόσθεν εἴρηται, οὐ πόρρω Λιβύης ἱδρύσαντο. ἔνθα δὴ Γωδίγισκλος μὲν ἐτεθνήκει, διεδέξαντοϑ δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ ἐκείνου παῖδες, Γόνθαρις μὲν ἐκ γυναικὸς αὐτῷ γαμετῆς γεγονώς, Τιζέριχος δὲ
1 ον : 6P. 8 ὡς: ἐς Ῥ, 3 διεδέξαντο V: διεδεξάτην P, διεδεξάσθην Dindorf.
28
HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL. iii. 16-23
of each. But when Boniface had got out of the way, Aetius slandered him to Placidia, saying that he was setting up a tyranny and had robbed her and the emperor of all Libya, and he said that it was very easy for her to find out the truth; for if she should summon Boniface to Rome, he would never come. And when the woman heard this, Aetius seemed to her to speak well and she acted accord- ingly. But Aetius, anticipating her, wrote to Boni- face secretly that the mother of the emperor was plotting against him and wished to put him out of ᾿ the way. And he predicted to him that there would be convincing proof of the plot; for he would be summoned very shortly for no reason at all. Such was the announcement of the letter. And Boniface did not disregard the message, for as soon as those arrived who were summoning him to the emperor, he refused to give heed to the emperor and his mother, disclosing to no one the warning ot Aetius. So when Placidia heard this, she thought that Aetius was exceedingly well-disposed towards the emperor’s cause and took under consideration the question of Boniface. But Boniface, since it did not seem to him that he was able to array himself against the emperor, and since if he returned to Rome there was clearly no safety for him, began to lay plans so that, if possible, he might have a defensive alliance with the Vandals, who, as previously stated, had established themselves in Spain not far from Libya. There Godigisclus had died and the royal power had fallen to his sons, Gontharis, who was born to him from his wedded wife, and Gizeric,! of illegitimate birth. But the
1 Geiseric, Gaiseric, less properly Genseric.
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
νόθος. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἔτι" ἣν παῖς καὶ τὸ δρασ- τήριον οὐ σφόδρα ἔχων, Τιξέρεχος δὲ τά τε πολέμια ὡς ἄριστα ἐξήσκητο καὶ δεινότατος ἣν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. πέμψας οὖν ἐς Ἱσπανίαν Βονιφάτιος τοὺς αὑτῷ μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείους ἑ ἑκά- τερον τῶν Γωδιγίσκλου παίδων ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ προσεποιήσατο, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ αὐτῶν ἕκαστον τὸ Λιβύης πριτημόριον ἔχοντα τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄρχειν" ἢν δέ τις ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τινα ἴοι πολεμήσων, κοινῇ τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀμύνασθαι. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ Βανδίχλοι τὸν ἐν Γαδείροις πορθμὸν δια
βάντες" ἐς Λιβύην ἀφίκοντο καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι " τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐν ‘lomavig ἱδρύσαντο. ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ οἱ Βονιφατίῳ ἐπιτήδειοι, τοῦ τε τρόπου ἐνθυμούμενοι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκλογιξόμενοί τε ἡλίκος ὁ παράλογος ἦν, ἐν θαύματι μεγάλῳ ἐποι- obvTo, εἰ Βονιφάτιος τυραννοίη, τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν Πλακιδίας ἐπαγγελλούσης ἐς Καρχηδόνα. ἦλθον. ἔνθα δὴ Βονιφατίῳ συγγενόμενοι τά τε ᾿Αετίου γράμματα εἶδον καὶ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀκούσαντες ἐς Ῥώμην τε ὡς εἶχον τάχους ἀνέστρεφον καὶ ὅπως αὐτῇ Βονιφάτιος ἔχοι ἀπήγγελλον. κατα- πλαγεῖσα δὲ ἡ γυνὴ ᾿Λέτεον μὲν εἰργάσατο οὐδὲν ἄχαρι οὐδέ τι ὠνείδισεν ὧν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸν βασιλέως οἶκον ἐπέπρακτο, ἐπεὶ αὐτός τε δυνάμει μεγάλῃ ἐχρῆτο καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας πράγματα πονηρὰ ἤδη ἦν: τοῖς δὲ Βονιφατίου φίλοις τήν τε ᾿Αετίου ὑποθήκην ἔφραξε καὶ πίστεις παρεχομένη καὶ ὅρκια ἔχρῃξεν αὐτῶν ὅπως τὸν ἄνδρα, ἢ ἢν δύνων- ται, πείσουσιν5 ἐπανήκειν ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, οὐ
1 ἔτι Υ : ἔτι τε Ῥ. ? διαβάντες P: διαλαβόντες V.
3 relcovow V: πείσωσιν P,
30
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 23-29
former was still a child and not of very energetic temper, while Gizeric had been excellently trained in warfare, and was the cleverest of all men. Boniface accordingly sent to Spain those who were his own most intimate friends and gained the adherence of each of the sons of Godigisclus on terms of complete equality, it being agreed that each one of the three, holding a third part of Libya, should rule over his own subjects; but if a foe should come against any one of them to make war, that they should in common ward off the aggressors. On the basis of this agreement the Vandals crossed the strait at Gadira and came into Libya, and the Visigoths in later times settled in Spain. But in Rome the friends of Boniface, re- membering the character of the man and considering how strange his action was, were greatly astonished to think that Boniface was setting up a tyranny, and some of them at the order of Placidia went to Carthage. There they met Boniface and saw the letter of Aetius, and after hearing the whole story they returned to Rome as quickly as they could and reported to Placidia how Boniface stood in relation to her. And though the woman was dumbfounded, she did nothing unpleasant to Aetius nor did she upbraid him for what he had done to the emperor’s house, for he himself wielded great power and the affairs of the empire were already in an evil plight ; but she disclosed to the friends of Boniface the advice Aetius had given, and, offering oaths and pledges of safety, entreated them to persuade the man, if they could, to return to his fatherland and
31
80
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
περιιδόντα b ὑπὸ βαρβάροις κειμένην τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ ὁ ᾿ Βονιφάτιος ἤκουσε ταῦτα, τῆς τε πράξεως αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁμολογίας μετέμελε, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐλυπάρει μύρια πάντα ὑποδεχόμενος ἢ ἀπὸ Λιβύης ἀνίστασθαι. τῶν δὲ οὐκ ἐνδεχομένων τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλὰ περι- υβρίξεσθαι οἰομένων, ἐς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ἐλθεῖν ἠναγκάσθη καὶ ἡσσηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ ἐς Ἵππονε- ρέγιον ἀνεχώρησε, πόλιν ὀχυρὰν" ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ κειμένην. ἔνθα δὴ οἱ Βανδίλοι στρατοπεδευσάμενοι Ῥιξερίχου σφίσιν ἡγουμένου ἐπολιό cou: TP όνθαρις γὰρ ἤδη ἐτεθνήκει. φασὶ δὲ αὐτὸν πρὸς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ἀπολέσθαι. Βανδίλοι δὲ τούτοις οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντες Γόνθαρίν φασιν ἐ ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ πρὸς Ῥερμανῶν ξυλληφθέντα ἐν μάχῃ ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι, καὶ Γιξέριχον ἤδη αὐτοκρά- Topa. ὄντα Βανδίλοις ἐς Λιβύην ἡγήσασθαι. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω πρὸς Βανδίλων ἀ ἀκήκοα. χρό- νου δὲ πολλοῦ διελθόντος, ἐπεὶ οὔτε“ βία οὔτε" ὁμολογίᾳ τὸ Ἱππονερέγιον παραστήσασθαι οἷοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῷ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, τὴν προσεδρείαν διέλυσαν. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ Βονιφάτιός τε καὶ οἱ ἐν Λιβύῃ “Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῖς ἔκ τε “Ῥώμης καὶ Βυζαντίου πολὺς στρατὸς ἦλθε καὶ στρατηγὸς ἼἌσπαρ, ἀναμαχέσασθαί τε ἠξίουν καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς, γενομένης παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσημένοι τῶν πολεμίων ὅπη ἕκαστος ἐδύναντο ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο. καὶ ὅ τεΑσπαρ ἐπ᾽ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθη
ὑποδεχόμενος V: ὑποσχόμενος P. ἀνεχώρησε Ῥ: amexadpnoe V. ὀχυράν V: ἐχυράν P.
οὔτε--οὔτε Haury: οὐδέ---οὐδέ MSS.
1 3 8
ἐν
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 29-36
not to permit the empire of the Romans to lie under the hand of barbarians. And when Boniface heard this, he repented of his act and of his agreement with the barbarians, and he besought them inces- santly, promising them everything, to remove from Libya. But since they did not receive his words with favour, but considered that they were being insulted, he was compelled to fight with them, and being defeated in the battle, he retired to Hippo? Regius, a strong city in the portion of Numidia that is on the sea. There the Vandals made camp under the leadership of Gizeric and began a siege; for - Gontharis had already died. And they say that he perished at the hand of his brother. The Vandals, however, do not agree with those who make this statement, but say that Gontharis was captured in battle by Germans in Spain and impaled, and that Gizeric was already sole ruler when he led the Vandals into Libya. This, indeed, I have heard from the Vandals, stated in this way. But after much time had passed by, since they were unable to secure Hippo Regius either by force or by surrender, and since at the same time they were being pressed by hunger, they raised the siege. And a little later Boniface and the Romans in Libya, since a numerous army had come from both Rome and Byzantium and Aspar with them as general, decided to renew the struggle, and a fierce battle was fought in which they were badly beaten by the enemy, and they made haste to flee as each one could. And Aspar betook himself homeward, and Boniface, coming
1 Now corrupted to Bona. 33
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
4 ἈΝ
καὶ Βονιφάτιος ὡς Ἰ]Πλακιδίαν ἀφικόμενος τὴν
a δ >
ὑποψίαν διέχυεν, ὡς οὐκ ἐξ ἀληθοῦς αἰτίας és αὐτὸν γένοιτο.
IV
Τὴν μὲν δὴ Λιβύην οὕτω Βανδίλοι Ῥωμαίους ἀφελόμενοι ἔσχον. τῶν δὲ πολεμίων ods λάβοιεν ζῶντας ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιούμενοι μοίρᾳ! ἐν φυ- λακῇ εἶχον. ἐν τούτοις δὲ καὶ Μαρκιανὸν ξυνέ- πεσεν εἶναι, ὃς ὕστερον τελευτήσαντος Θεοδοσίου τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε. τότε μέντοι Τιζέριχος ἐν τῇ βασιλέως αὐλῇ παρεῖναι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐκέλευεν, ὅπως οἱ εἰδέναι σκοπουμένῳ ἐξῇ ὅτῳ ἂν δεσπότῃ αὐτῶν ἕκαστος οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀξίας δουλεύοι. καὶ ἐπειδὴ ξυνελέγησαν αἴθριοι, ἀμφὶ ἡμέραν μέσην ὥρᾳ θέρους ἀχθόμενοι τῷ ἡλίῳ ἐκάθηντο. ἐν αὐτοῖς δὲ καὶ Μαρκιανὸς ὅπου δὴ ἀπημελημένως ἐκάθευδε. καί τις αὐτοῦ ἀετὸς ὑπερίπτατο, τὰ πτερά, ὡς λέγουσι, διαπετάσας, 90 ἢ / 2 “Ὁ > lol n 3» Ψ» / ἀεί τε μένων ἐν TH αὐτῇ τοῦ ἀέρος χώρᾳ μόνον τὸν Μαρκιανὸν ἐπεσκίαζεν.. ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὑπερῴων τὸ ποιούμενον ἰδὼν Γιζέριχος, ἀγχίνους τις dv μάλιστα, θεῖόν τε εἶναι τὸ πρῶγμα ὑπώπτευσε καὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον μεταπεμψάμενος ἐπυνθάνετο αὐτοῦ ὅστις ποτὲ εἴη. ὁ δὲ τῶν ἀπορρήτων Λσπαρι ἔφη κοινωνὸς εἶναι" δομέστικον δὲ τοῦ- Tov τῇ σφετέρᾳ γλώσσῃ καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι.
fa] ὔ A 8 ταῦτα Tvlepiyw ἀκούσαντι καὶ ξυμβαλλομένῳ
1 ἐν---μοίρα Υ : ἐς-- μοῖραν P. 2 ὑπώπτευσε Maltretus: ὑπόπτευσε MS, 8 ὅστις Maltretus: ὥς τις MS
34
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 36-iv. 8
before Placidia, acquitted himself of the suspicion, showing that it had arisen against him for no true cause.
1V
So the Vandals, having wrested Libya from the Romans in this way, made it their own. And those of the enemy whom they took alive they reduced to Slavery and held under guard. Among these happened to be Marcian, who later upon the death of Theodosius assumed the imperial power. At that time, however, Gizeric commanded that the captives be brought into the king’s courtyard, in order that it might be possible for him, by looking at them, to know what master each of them might serve with- out degradation. And when they were gathered under the open sky, about midday, the season being summer, they were distressed by the sun and sat down. And somewhere or other among them Marcian, quite neglected, was sleeping. Then an eagle flew over him spreading out his wings, as they say, and always remaining in the same place in the air he cast a shadow over Marcian alone. And Gizeric, upon seeing from the upper storey what was happen- ing, since he was an exceedingly discerning person, suspected that the thing was a divine manifestation, and summoning the man enquired of him who he might be. And he replied that he was a confidential adviser of Aspar; such a person the Romans call a « domesticus” in their own tongue. And when Gizeric heard this and considered first the meaning
35
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μὲν τὸ τοῦ ὄρνιθος ἔργον, τὴν δὲ ΓΑσπαρος δύναμιν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντι ὅσῃ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἐχρῆτο, καταφανὲς ἐγίνετο ὡς εἰς βασιλείαν ὁϊ ἀνὴρ ἄγοιτο. 9 κτεῖναι μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν ἥκιστα ἐδικαίου, ἐκλογιζό- μενος ὡς, ἢν μὲν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων αὐτὸν ἀφανίζῃ, εὔδηλον ἔσται ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν τὸ τῷ ὄρνιθι ποιηθὲν εἴη (οὐ γὰρ βασιλέα τῇ σκιᾷ θεραπεύοι, ὅς γε αὐτίκα δὴ ἀπολεῖσθαι. ἔμελλε), λόγῳ τε αὐτὸν οὐδενὶ κτείνοι" ἢν δέ γε χρῆν ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ βασιλεῦσαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον, οὐ μήποτέ οἱ θανάτῳ καταληπτὸς ἔσται" τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ. ἐς βουλὴν ἥκοντα οὐκ ἂν δύναιτο ἀνθρώπου γνώμῃ κωλυτὰ
10 εἶναι. ὅρκοις δὲ αὐτὸν καταλαμβάνει ὡς, ἢν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ ἔσται, οὔποτε πρός ye Βανδίλους ἐν ὅπλοις γένηται. οὕτω δὴ Μαρκιανὸς ἀφειμένος ἐς Βυ- ζάντιον ἀφίκετο καὶ Θεοδοσίου χρόνῳ ὕστερον
11 τελευτήσαντος ἐδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ξύμπαντα βασιλεὺς ἐγεγόνει ἀγαθός, τὰ δὲ ἀμφὶ Λιβύην ἐν οὐδενὶ ἐποιήσατο λόγῳ. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα" μὲν ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐγένετο.
12. Γι ξέριχος δὲ τότε “Ασπαρά τε καὶ Βονιφάτιον μάχῃ νικήσας πρόνοιάν τε ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀφηγή- σεως ἀξίαν, τὴν εὐτυχίαν ὡς μάλιστα ἐκρατύνατο.
13 δείσας γάρ, ἢν καὶ αὖθις ἔκ τε Ῥώμης καὶ Βυξαν- τίου στρατὸς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἴοι, μὴ οὐχ οἷοί τε How οἱ Βανδίλοι τῇ τε ῥώμῃ καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ὁμοίᾳ χρῆσθαι, ἐπεὶ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια τοῖς τε θείοις σφάλλεσθαι καὶ τοῖς σώμασι φιλεῖ ἐχλασσοῦσθαι, οὐχ οἷς εὐημέρη- σεν ἐπηρμένος, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἔδεισε μέτριος γεγονώς,
leis βασιλείαν ὁ added by Haury, from Theophanes i.
104, 29. 3 ταῦτα Maltretus: ταύτη MS.
36
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iv. 8-13
of the bird’s action, and then remembered how great power Aspar exercised in Byzantium, it became evident to him that. the man was being led to royal power. He therefore by no means deemed it right to kill him, reasoning that, if he should remove him
from the world, it would be very clear that the thing ©
which the bird had done was nothing (for he would not honour with his shadow a king who was about to die straightway), and he felt, too, that he would be killing him for no good cause ; and if, on the other hand, it was fated that in later times the man should become king, it would never be within his power to inflict death upon him; for that which has been
decided upon by God could never be prevented by a
man’s decision. But he bound Marcian by oaths that, if it should be in his power, he would never take up arms against the Vandals at least. Thus, then, Marcian was released and came to Byzantium, and when at a later time Theodosius died he received the empire. And in all other respects he proved himself a good emperor, but he paid no attention at all to affairs in Libya. But this happened in later times. At that time Gizeric, after conquering Aspar and Boniface in battle, displayed a foresight worth recounting, whereby he made his good fortune most thoroughly secure. For fearing lest, if once again an army should come against him from both Rome and Byzantium, the Vandals might not be able to use the same strength and enjoy the same fortune, (since human affairs are wont to be overturned by Heaven and to fail by reason of the weakness of men’s bodies), he was not lifted up by the good for- tune he had enjoyed, but rather became moderate because of what he feared, and so he made a treaty
37
450 A.D.
14
15
16
17
18
19
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
σπονδὰς πρὸς Bacthéa Βαλεντινιανὸν ποιεῖται ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἐς ἕκαστον ἔτος δασμοὺς ἐκ Λιβύης βασιλεῖ φέρειν, ἕνα te τῶν παίδων “Ονώριχον ἐν ὁμήρου μοίρᾳ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ δὴ. τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ παρέδωκε. Γιζέριχος μὲν οὖν ἔν τε τῇ μάχῃ ἐγένετο ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ τὴν νίκην ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα διεφύλαξε καὶ “Ονώριχον τὸν παῖδα τῆς φιλίας αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ μέγα χωρούσης ἀπέλαβεν. ἐν δὲ δὴ Ῥώμῃ Πλα- κιδία μὲν πρότερον ἐτελεύτα, ἔπειτα δὲ Βαλεντιν- ιανὸς ὁ ταύτης υἱός, ἄπαις ἀρσενογόνου, θυγατέρε μέντοι αὐτῷ δύο ἐξ Evdokias τῆς Θεοδοσίου παιδὸς ἐγενέσθην. ὅτῳ δὲ τρόπῳ Βαλεντινιανὸς ἐτελεύτα, λέξων ἔρχομαι.
Μάξιμός τις ἣν ἐκ γερουσίας ἀνὴρ Ῥωμαῖος, ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνου Μαξίμου οἰκίας ὃν 61 πρεσβύτερος Θεοδόσιος τυραννοῦντα καθελὼν ἔκτεινεν: ὑπὲρ οὗ δὴ καὶ τὴν ἐνιαύσιον ἑορτὴν ἄγουσι Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς τοῦ Μαξίμου ἥσσης ἐπώνυμον. οὗτος ὁ νεώτερος Μάξιμος γυναικὶ ξυνῴκει σώφρονί τε τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ κάλλος διαβοήτῳ ἐς ἄγαν οὔσῃ. διὸ δὴ αὐτῇ ἐς κοίτην ἐλθεῖν Βαλεντινιανῷ τις 5 ἐπιθυμία ἐγένετο. καὶ ἐπεὶ βουλομένῳ αὐτῇ ξυγγενέσθαι ἀμήχανα ἦν, ἐβούλευσέ τε ἀνόσια ἔργα καὶ ἐπιτελῆ ταῦτα ἐποίησε. μεταπεμψά- μενος γὰρ τὸν Μάξιμον ἐς παλάτιον ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸ πεττεύειν καθίστατο, καὶ χρυσίον ῥητὸν ἐτέτακτο ἡ ζημία τῷ ἡσσηθέντι: νενικηκὼς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἔργῳ καὶ τὸν Μαξίμου δακτύλιον ἐνέχυρον τῷ ξυγκειμένῳ κεκομισμένος ἐς τὴν ἐκείνου οἰκίαν πέμπει, εἰπεῖν ἐπιστείλας
1 ὁ added by Herwerden. ἼΩΝ, 2 τις MSS. : δεινή τις Herwerden, cf. ἐξαισία τις vii. 31, 2.
38
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iv. 13-20
with the Emperor Valentinian providing that each year he should pay to the emperor tribute from Libya, and he delivered over one of his sons, Honoric, as a hostage to make this agreement binding. So Gizeric both showed himself a brave man in the battle and guarded the victory as securely as possible, and, since the friendship between the two peoples increased greatly, he received back his son Honoric. And at Rome Placidia had died before this time, and after her, Valentinian, her son, also died, having no male offspring, but two daughters had been born to him from Eudoxia, the child of Theodosius. And I shall now relate in what manner Valentinian died.
There was a certain Maximus, a Roman senator, of the house of that Maximus! who, while usurping the imperial power, was overthrown by the elder Theo- dosius and put to death, and on whose account also the Romans celebrate the annual festival named from the defeat of Maximus. This younger Maximus was married to a woman discreet in her ways and exceedingly famous for her beauty. For this reason a desire came over Valentinian to have her to wife. And since it was impossible, much as he wished it, to meet her, he plotted an unholy deed and carried it to fulfilment. For he summoned Maximus to the | palace and sat down with him to a game of draughts, and a certain sum was set as a penalty for the loser ; and the emperor won in this game, and receiving Maximus’ ring as a pledge for the agreed amount, he sent it to his house, instructing the messenger to
1 Emperor in Gaul, Britain and Spain 383-388. acre to be Emperor of the West, he invaded Italy, was defeate
by Theodosius, and put to death. 39
2]
24
26.
28
τ PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
? x τῇ γυναικὶ ὅτι δὴ αὐτὴν κελεύει Μάξιμος ὡς ’ > τάχιστα ἐς παλάτιον ἥκειν τὴν βασιλίδα Ev- . \ \ \ , a δοξίαν ἀσπασομένην. καὶ ἡ μὲν τὸν λόγον TO A ,ὔ aA δακτυλίῳ τεκμηραμένη Μαξίμου εἶναι ἐσβᾶσα εἰς τὸ φορεῖον κομίζεται ἐς τὴν βασιλέως αὐλήν. f \ 3 \ \ [4 3 Δ e χαβόντες δὲ αὐτὴν οἷς δὴ αὕτη ἐκ βασιλέως ἡ ὑπουργία ἐπέκειτο, εἰσάγουσιν εἴς τι δωμάτιον o \ ae τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος μακρὰν ἄποθεν, οὗ δὴ αὐτῇ ὁ Βαλεντινιανὸς ἐντυχὼν οὔτι ἑκουσίαν βιάζεται. ἡ δὲ μετὰ τὴν ὕβριν ἐς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐχθοῦσα δεδακρυμένη τε καὶ τῇ συμφορᾷ ὡς ” 4 a 1 \ oe a ἔνι. μάλιστα περιαλγοῦσα' πολλᾶς ἐπέβαλε TO Μαξίμῳ ἀράς, ἅτε τοῖς πεπραγμένοις τὴν αἰτίαν παρασχομένῳ. περιώδυνος τοίνυν ὁ Μάξιμος a a id ’ τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι γενόμενος αὐτίκα μὲν eis ἐπι- βουλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως καθίστατο ὡς δὲ τὸν ? , er , ὃ ΄ ὰ } > Αέτιον ἑώρα μέγα δυνάμενον, ὃς καὶ ᾿Αττίλαν ἄρτι ἐνενικήκει στρατῷ μεγάλῳ Μασσαγετῶν τε n , a Kal TOV ἄλλων Σκυθῶν ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν > , 22 θύ / f° HG [2 <9 4 > ἐσβαλόντα," ἐνθύμιόν οἱ ἐγένετο ὥς οἱ ᾿Αέτιος és ψ a τὰ πρασσόμενα ἐμπόδιος ἔσται. ταῦτά τε δια- x 4 ἔδ “4 οἷ 3 , 3 N νοουμένῳ ἄμεινον ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὸν ᾿Αέτιον ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι πρότερον, οὐδὲν ποιησαμένῳ ὅτι ἐς αὐτὸν περιέστηκε πᾶσα ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἐλπίς. τῶν δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν βασιλέως θεραπείαν εὐνούχων edvoi- κῶς οἱ ἐχόντων, ἀνέπεισε ταῖς αὐτῶν μηχαναῖς βασιλέα ὡς νεωτέροις πράγμασιν ἐγχειροίη > / \ δ Ν > \ [4 \ Aérios. Βαλεντινιανὸς δὲ ἄλλῳ οὐδενὶ ὅτε μὴ n ye τῇ ᾿Δετίου δυνάμει τε Kal ἀρετῇ τεκμηριώσας τὸν λόγον ὑγιᾶ εἶναι κτείνει τὸν ἄνδρα. ὅτε δὴ καὶ 1 περιαλγοῦσα V : συναλγοῦσα P. 2 ξσβαλόντα Haury: ἐσβαλόντι V, ἐσβάλλόντων P.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iv. 20-28
tell the wife of Maximus that her husband bade her come as quickly as possible to the palace to salute the queen Eudoxia.. And she, judging by the ring that the message was from Maximus, entered her litter and was conveyed to the emperor’s court. And she was received by those who had been assigned this service by the emperor, and led into a certain room far removed from the women’s apart- ments, where Valentinian met her and forced her, much against her will. -And she, after the outrage, went to her husband’s house weeping and feeling the deepest possible grief because of her misfortune, and she cast many curses upon Maximus as having pro- vided the cause for what had been done. Maximus, accordingly, became exceedingly aggrieved at that which had come to pass, and straightway entered into a conspiracy against the emperor; but when he saw that Aetius was exceedingly powerful, for he had recently conquered Attila, who had invaded the Roman domain with a great army of Massagetae and the other Scythians, the thought occurred to him that Aetius would be in the way of his undertaking. And upon considering this matter, it seemed to him that it was the better course to put Aetius out of the way first, paying no heed to the fact that the whole hope of the Romans centred in him. And since the eunuchs who were in attendance upon the emperor were well-disposed toward him, he persuaded the emperor by their devices that Aetius was setting on foot a revolution. And Valentinian, judging by nothing else than the power and valour of Aetius that the report was true, put the man to death. Whereupon a certain Roman made himself famous
41
Sept. 21, 454 A.D,
29
80
31
92
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Ῥωμαίων τις ἔπος εἰπὼν ηὐδοκίμησεν. ἐρομένου γὰρ αὐτὸν βασιλέως εἴ οἱ καλῶς ὁ τοῦ ᾿Δετίου θάνατος ἐργασθείη, ἀπεκρίνατο λέγων οὐκ ἔχειν μὲν εἰδέναι τοῦτο εἴτε εὖ εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ αὐτῷ εἴργασται, ἐκεῖνο μέντοι ὡς ἄριστα ἐξεπίστασθαι, ὅτι αὑτοῦ τὴν δεξιὰν τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὺ ἀποτεμὼν εἴη.
᾿Αετίου γοῦν τελευτήσαντος ᾿Αττίλας, οὐδενός οἱ ἀντιπάλου ὄντος, Εὐρώπην τε ξύμπασαν πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἐληίξετο καὶ βασιλείαν ἑκατέραν ἐπακού- ουσαν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἔσχε. “δασμοὶ “γὰρ αὐτῷ πρὸς τῶν βασιλέων ἐπέμποντο & ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος. τότε τῷ ᾿Αττίλᾳ πόλιν ᾿Ακυληίαν πολιορκοῦντι μεγάλην. τε καὶ ἀτεχνῶς πολυάνθρωπον, παρ- αλίαν μέν, ἐκτὸς δὲ κόλπου τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου οὗσαν, τοιόνδε φασὶν εὐτύχημα ξυνενεχθῆναι. λέγουσι γὰρ αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ οὔτε βίᾳ οὔτε τῳ ἄχλῳ τρόπῳ οἷός τε ἣν τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν, πρός τε τὴν προσε- δρείαν a ἀπειπεῖν, ἤδη ἐπὶ μακρότατον γεγενημένην, καὶ ἅπαν κελεῦσαι τὸ στράτευμα τὰ ἐς τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐν παρασκευῇ αὐτίκα 51) μάλα ποιή- σασθαι, ὅπως δὴ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐνθένδε “ἅπαντες ἐξανιστῶνται ὁ ἅμα ἡλίῳ ἀνίσχοντι. ἡμέρᾳ δὲ τῇ ἐπιυγινομένῃ ἀμφὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς λύσαντας μὲν τὴν προσεδρείαν τοὺς βαρβάρους τῆς ἀφόδου. ἔχεσθαι ἤδη, ὃ ἕνα δὲ πελαργὸν ἐπὶ πύργου τενὸς τοῦ τῆς πόλεως περιβόλου καλιάν τε ἔχοντα καὶ νεοττοὺς τρέφοντα “ ἐνθένδε ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ξὺν τοῖς τέκνοις ἐξαναστῆναι. καὶ τὸν μὲν πατέρα πελαργὸν ἵπτασθαι, τοὺς δὲ πελαργιδεῖς, ἅτε οὔπω ἐκπετησίμους παντάπασιν ὄντας, τὰ “μὲν αὐτῷ μετέχειν τῆς πτήσεως, τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ νώτου
1 ἀφόδου Ῥ : ἐφόδου V. 3 τρέφοντα P: φέροντα.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL iv. 28-33
by a saying which he uttered. For when the emperor enquired of him whether he had done well in putting Aetius to death, he replied saying that, as to this matter, he was not able to know whether he had done well or perhaps otherwise, but one thing he understood exceedingly well, that he had cut off his own right hand with the other.
So after the death of Aetius,! Attila, since no one was a match for him, plundered all Europe with no ἡ trouble and made both emperors subservient and tributary to himself. For tribute money was sent to him every year by the emperors. At that time, while Attila was besieging Aquileia, a city of great size and exceedingly populous situated near the sea and above the Ionian Gulf, they say that. the following good fortune befell him. For they tell the story that, when he was able to capture the place neither by force nor by any other means, he gave up the siege in despair, since it had already lasted a long time, and commanded the whole army without any delay to make their preparations for the departure, in order that on the morrow all might move from there at sunrise. And the following day about sunrise, the barbarians had raised the siege and were already beginning the departure, when a single male stork which had a nest on a certain tower of the city wall and was rearing his nestlings there suddenly rose and left the place with his young. And the father stork was flying, but the little storks, since they were not yet quite ready to fly, were at times sharing their father’s flight and at times riding
1 This is an error, for Attila died before Aetius. 43
84
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τοῦ πατρὸς φέρεσθαι, οὕτω τε ἀποπτάντας τῆς πόλεως ἑκαστάτω γενέσθαι. ὃ δὴ ᾿Αττίλαν κατιδόντα (ἦν γὰρ δεινότατος ξυνεῖναί τε καὶ ξυμβαλεῖν ἅπαντα) κελεῦσαι τὸν στρατὸν αὖθις ἐν χώρῳ τῷ αὐτῷ μένειν, ἐπειπόντα οὐκ ἄν ποτε εἰκῆ ἐνθένδε ἀποπτάντα ξὺν τοῖς νεοττοῖς τὸν ὄρνιν οἴχεσθαι, εἰ μή TL ἐμαντεύετο φλαῦρον οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τῷ χωρίῳ ξυμβήσεσθαι. οὕτω μὲν τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων στρατόπεδον αὖθις ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν καταστῆναί, φασι, τοῦ δὲ περιβόλου μοῖράν τινα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐκείνην ἣ τὴν τοῦ ὄρνιθος τούτου καλιὰν εἶχεν, ἀπ᾽ οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας ἐξαπιναίως καταπεσεῖν καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ταύτῃ ἐσιτητὰ ἐς τὴν πόλιν γενέσθαι, οὕτω τε τὴν ᾿Ακυληίαν κατὰ κράτος ἁλῶναι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῇ ᾿Ακυληίᾳ ταύτῃ πη ἔσχεν.
Ὕστερον δὲ καὶ βασιλέα οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ἔκτεινε Μάξιμος καὶ τὴν τυραννίδα ἔσχε, τῇ τε ᾿Εὐδοξίᾳ ξυγγέγονε βίᾳ. γυνὴ γὰρ ἥπερ αὐτῷ ξυνῴκει τετελευτήκει οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον. καί ποτε αὐτῇ ἐν τῇ κοίτῃ προσέφερε λόγον ὡς τοῦ αὐτῆς ἔρωτος εἵνεκα πάντα εἴη διαπεπραγμένος ἃ εἴργαστο. τήν τε Εὐδοξίαν ἀχθομένην. Μαξίμῳ καὶ πρό- τερον τίσασθαί τε αὐτὸν τῆς ἐς Βαλεντινιανὸν ἀδικίας ἐπιθυμοῦσαν ἔτι 3 μᾶλλον εἰς αὐτὸν οἰδαίνειν ὁ (i) λόγος ἐποίησεν, ἔς τε “τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐνῆγεν, ἐπεὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ αὐτῆς ἕνεκα ξυμβῆναι τὴν συμφορὰν Μαξίμου “λέγοντος ἤκουσε. καὶ ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἡμέρα ἐγένετο, πέμπει ἐς Καρχη-
1 ξυνεῖναί Υ͂ : ξυνιδεῖν P.
2 δὲ after ἔτι deleted by Haury. 5 ἐνῆγεν Haury : ἐνῆκεν MSS.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL. iv. 33-38
upon his back, and thus they flew off and went far away from the city. And when Attila saw this (for he was most clever at comprehending and interpreting 411 things), he commanded the army, they say, to remain still in the same place, adding that the bird would never have gone flying off at random from there with his nestlings, unless he was prophesying that some evil would come to the place at no distant time. Thus, they say, the army of the barbarians settled down to the siege once more, and not long after that a portion of the wall—the very part which held the nest of that bird—for no apparent reason suddenly fell down, and it became possible for the enemy to enter the city at that point, and thus Aquileia was captured by storm. Such is the story touching Aquileia. Later on Maximus slew the emperor with no trouble and secured the tyranny, and he married Eudoxia by force. For the wife to whom he had been wedded had died not long before. And on one occasion in private he made the statement to Eudoxia that it was all for the sake of her love that he had carried out all that he had done. And since she felt a repulsion for Maximus even before that time, and had been desirous of exacting vengeance from him for the wrong done Valentinian, his words made her swell with rage still more against him, and led her on to carry out her plot, since she had heard Maximus say that on account of her the misfortune had befallen her husband. And as soon as day came, she sent to Carthage
45
455 a.D.
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-PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Sova δεομένη Ριζερίχου τιμωρεῖν Βαλεντινιανῷ ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἀ ἀνοσίου διαφθαρέντι, αὐτοῦ τε ἀναξίως καὶ τῆς βασιλείας, καὶ αὐτὴν ῥύεσθαι πάσχουσαν πρὸς τοῦ τυράννου ἀνόσια. ἐπέσκηπτε δὲ ὡς pido: Te Kal ξυμμάχῳ ὄντι Γιξερίχῳ καὶ τηλικ- οὔδεϊ πάθους és? οἶκον τὸν βασιλέως ξυμβάντος τὸ μὴ οὐχὶ τιμωρῷ γενέσθαι οὐχ ὅσιόν ἐστιν. ἐκ Βυζαντίου γὰρ τιμωρίαν οὐδεμίαν ῴετο ” fe δ .
ἔσεσθαι, Θεοδοσίου μὲν ἤδη ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ᾽ / “ \ \ , ἀφανισθέντος, Mapxiavod δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος.
Vv
Γιξέριχος δὲ δι’ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ὅτε δὲ αὐτῷ χρήματα μεγάλα ἔσεσθαι ὑπετόπαζε, στόλῳ πολλῷ ἐς Ἰταλίαν κατέπλευσεν. ἀναβὰς δὲ ἐς Ῥώμην, ἐπεὶ οὐδείς οἱ ἐμποδὼν ἕστηκε, τῶν
Ψ 9 ΄ tA \ Φ 8 ,ὔ βασιλείων ἐκράτησε. Μάξιμον μὲν οὖν 8 φεύ- γοντα Ῥωμαῖοι λίθοις βαλόντες * διέφθειραν, καὶ τήν τε κεφαλὴν τῶν τε ἄλλων μελῶν ἕκαστον ἀποτεμόμενοι διείλοντο σφίσι. Ῥιξέριχος͵ δὲ τήν τε Evdogiay ἅμα Εὐδοκίᾳ τε καὶ Πλακιδίᾳ, ταῖς αὐτῆς τε καὶ Βαλεντινιανοῦ “παισίν, αἰχμά- λωτον εἷλε, χρυσοῦ τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων βασι- λέως κτημάτων πολύ τι χρῆμα ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν 3 ΄ 3, t yy », a » ἐνθέμενος ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔπλει, οὔτε χαλκοῦ οὔτε ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις φεισάμενος. ΝΣ \ \ \ a \ a ? ἐσύλησε δὲ καὶ τὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Καπιτωλίου
1 τηλικοῦδε : τηλικούτου δὲ VP. 2 ἐς οῃ. VO. 3 μὲν οὖν VP: δὲ αὖ Ο. 4 βαλόντες P: λαβόντες V, βάλλοντες Ο.
46
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iv. 38-v. 4
entreating Gizeric to avenge Valentinian, who had been destroyed by an unholy man, in a manner unworthy both of himself and of his imperial station, and to deliver her, since she was suffering unholy treatment at the hand of the tyrant. And she im- pressed it upon Gizeric that, since he was a friend and ally and so great a calamity had befallen the imperial house, it was not a holy thing to fail to be- come an avenger. For from Byzantium she thought no vengeance would come, since Theodosius had already departed from the world and Marcian had taken over the empire.
ν
Anp Gizeric, for no other reason than that he suspected that much money would come to him, set sail for Italy with a great fleet. And going up to Rome, since no one stood in his way, he took possession of the palace. Now while Maximus was trying to flee, the Romans threw stones at him and killed him, and they cut off his head and each of his other members and divided them among themselves. But Gizeric took Eudoxia captive, together with Eudocia and Placidia, the children of herself and Valentinian, and placing an exceedingly great amount of gold and other imperial treasure ὦ in his ships sailed to Carthage, having spared neither bronze nor anything else whatsoever in the palace. He plun- dered also the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and
1 Including the famous treasure which Titus had brought
from Jerusalem, cf. IV. ix. 5. 47
Mar. 17, 455 A.D.
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Ν ὶ a re \ δὲ ih > in a νεὼν καὶ τοῦ τέγους THY ἡμίσειαν ἀφείλετο μοῖραν. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ τέγος χαλκοῦ μὲν τοῦ ἀρίστου ἐτύγχανεν ὄν, χρυσοῦ δὲ αὐτῷ ὑπερχυθέντος ἁδροῦ ὡς μάλιστα μεγαλοπρεπές τε καὶ θαύματος
ροῦ ὡς μ μεγ πολλοῦ ἄξιον διεφαίνετο. τῶν δὲ μετὰ Γιζερίχου νεῶν μίαν μέν, ἣ τὴς εὐπαρ ἐξέ ε fe > ᾿ i Ὁ a A -. ” ΞΡ ᾿ , ἀπολέσθαι, πάσαις δὲ ταῖς ἄλλαις οἱ Βανδίλοι ἐς τὸν Καρχηδόνος λιμένα κατῆραν. Ἑὐδοκίαν μὲν οὖν" Τιζέριυχος “Ονωρίχῳ τῷ τῶν παίδων
, ΟΝ δὲ ἘΝ ee 2 Nal oe AR oe τὴν i 7 le (av pb ap ξυνῴκει ᾿Ολυβρίῳ, τῶν ἐν βουλῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων * ρ ἘΠ ie ρ i Ἢ E33 7 Ὥ ᾿ μ οκιμωτάτῳ) ἅμα τῇ μητρὶ Eve οξίᾳ, ἐξαιτησα- μένου βασιλέως, ἐς Βυζάντιον ἔπεμψεν. ἤδη δὲ τὸ τῶν ἑῴων κράτος ἐς Λέοντα περιεστήκει, ἼΑσπαρος ἐς τοῦτο αὐτὸν καταστησαμένου,3 > \ Ας 2 3 ’ 2 ΄ ἐπειδὴ Μαρκιανὸς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀπήλλακτο.
Ὕστερον δὲ Tuképuxos ἐπενόει τοιάδε. τῶν ἐν Λιβύῃ πόλεων, πλὴν Καρχηδόνος, τὰ τείχη καθεῖλεν, ὡς ἂν μήτε αὐτοὶ Λίβυες τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἑλόμενοι ἔκ τε ἐχυροῦ ὁρμᾶσθαι καὶ νεωτερίζειν . Lal ἱκανοὶ elev μήτε τοῖς ἐκ βασιλέως στελλομένοις
i? yy ἐν ἐλπίδι ἔσται ὡς καὶ πόλιν καταλήψονται καὶ φρουρὰν ἐν αὐτῇ ποιησάμενοι πράγματα Βανδίλ, Ξ Aah τὸ ἐν οὖν εὖ τε ἔδ ανδίλοις παρέξονται. τότε μὲν οὖν εὖ τε ἔδοξε
βεβουλεῦσθαιδ καὶ τὴν εὐημερίαν Βανδίλοις ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα διασώσασθαι, χρόνῳ δὲ τῷ € ,ὔ Ὁ A > / i eat x ὑστέρῳ, ὅτε δὴ ἀτείχιστοι οὖσαι ῥᾷόν τε καὶ ἀπονώτερον πρὸς Βελισαρίου αἱ πόλεις αὗται ἡλίσκοντο, πολύν τε γέλωτα ἤδη Τιζέριχος ὦφλε
1 οὗν VP: εὖ . 2 ξυνώκισε O: ξυνώκησε VP.
® κματαστησαμένου VP: ἀποκαταστησαμένου O,
* παρέξονται Dindorf: παρέξωνται MSS. ὃ βεβουλεῦσθαι VO: βουλεύεσθαι P.
48
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. v. 4-9
tore off half of the roof. Now this roof was of bronze of the finest quality, and since gold was laid over it exceedingly thick, it shone as a magnificent and wonderful spectacle.1 But of the ships with Gizeric, one, which was bearing the statues, was lost, they say, but with all the others the Vandals reached port in the harbour of Carthage. Gizeric then married Eudocia to Honoric, the elder of his sons; but the other of the two women, being the wife of Olybrius, a most distinguished man in the Roman senate, he sent to Byzantium together with her mother, Eudoxia, at the request of the emperor. Now the power of the East had by now fallen to Leon, who had been set in this position by Aspar, since Marcian had already passed from the world.
Afterwards Gizeric devised the following scheme. He tore down the walls of all the cities in Libya except Carthage, so that neither the Libyans them- selves, espousing the cause of the Romans, might have a strong base from which to begin a rebellion, nor those sent by the emperor have any ground for hoping to capture a city and by establishing a garrison in it to make trouble for the Vandals. Now at that time it seemed that he had counselled well and had ensured prosperity for the Vandals in the safest possible manner ; but in later times when these cities, being without walls, were captured by Belisarius all the more easily and with less exertion, Gizeric was then condemned to suffer much ridicule,
1 Domitian had spent 12,000 talents (£2,400,000) on the gilding alone ; Plutarch, Pubi. 15. 49:
457 a.d.
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ee: A a ΄ « > ΄ 2 » Ses καὶ ἡ τέως δοκοῦσά οἱ εὐβουλία ἐς ἄνοιαν αὐτῷ a ‘ th ἀπεκρίθη. ταῖς yap δὴ τύχαις ἀεὶ Tas δόξας ἐπὶ an , / Vs τοῖς πρότερον βεβουλευμένοις ξυμμεταβάλλεσθαι a an \ vs ν \ φιλοῦσιν ἄνθρωποι. τῶν δὲ Λιβύων εἴ τι μὲν x 2 δόκιμον ἐτύγχανεν ὃν καὶ πλούτῳ ἀκμάζον, αὐτοῖς ἀγροῖς τε καὶ πᾶσι χρήμασιν ἐν ἀνδρα- an 7 πόδων μοίρᾳ παρέδωκε τοῖς παισὶν “Ονωρίχῳ τε \ καὶ TévSau. Θεόδωρος yap ὁ νεώτατος ἐτελεύτα » / ἤδη, ἄπαις TO παράπαν appevos τε καὶ θήλεος γόνου. Λίβυας δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀφείλετο μὲν τοὺς ἀγρούς, οἱ πλεῖστοί τε ἦσαν καὶ ἄριστοι, 2 δὲ Ν a B δί ὃ [4 1 ἔθ Ἃ Πα > és δὲ τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων διένειμεν 1 ἔθνος, Kal ἀπ ΕῚ “ a I: € 3. μι ka > f αὐτοῦ κλῆροι Βανδίλων οἱ ἀγροὶ οὗτοι és τόδε καλοῦνται τοῦ χρόνου. τοῖς δὲ δὴ πάλαι κεκτη- Ν - μένοις τὰ χωρία ταῦτα πένεσθαί τε ὡς μάλιστα x > / fo) V4 “Φ ἣν > Lal >? καὶ ἐλευθέροις εἶναι ξυνέβαινεν: ἣν δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν > , \ “ ΄ 9 , ἐξουσίᾳ καὶ ὅποι βούλοιντο ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν χωρία ξύμπαντα, ὅσα τοῖς τε παισὶ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Βανδίλοις Γιζέριχος παραδεδώκει, Ὁ la ? lol a οὐδεμιᾶς φόρου ἀπαγωγῆς ὑποτελῆ ἐκέλευσεν i. A δὲ n ev Ud 3 ᾽ θ) gS F εἶναι. τῆς δὲ γῆς ὅση οἱ οὐκ ἀγαθὴ ἔδοξεν εἶναι, a lal / fol ἀφῆκε τοῖς πρότερον ἔχουσι, τοσαῦτα ἐνθένδε a / oi rn τῷ δημοσίῳ φέρεσθαι τάξας ὥστε οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν il a \ Me \ a περιῆν τοῖς τὰ χωρία τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔχουσιν. ἔφευγον δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ ἐκτείνοντο. αἰτίαι yap αὐτοῖς πολλαί τε καὶ χαλεπαὶ προσεφέροντο" lal \ ᾽ ο πασῶν δὲ μία μεγίστη δὴ ἐδόκει εἶναι ὅτι χρή- / > a ματά τις οἰκεῖα ἔχων ἀπέκρυπτεν. οὕτω τοὺς Λίβυας πᾶσα ἰδέα ξυμφορᾶς περιέστη.
1 διένειμεν VP: διέβη μὲν Ο, δο
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ν. 9-17
and that which for the time he considered wise counsel turned out for him to be folly. For as fortunes change, men are always accustomed to change with them their judgments regarding what has been planned in the past. And among the Libyans all who happened to be men of note and conspicuous for their wealth he handed over as slaves, together with their estates and all their money, to his sons Honoric and Genzon. For Theodorus, the youngest son, had died already, being altogether without offspring; either male or female. And he robbed the rest of the Libyans of their estates, which were both very numerous and excellent, and distributed them among the nation of the Vandals, and as a result of this these lands have been called ‘Vandals’ estates ” up to the present time. And it fell to the lot of those who had formerly possessed these lands to be in extreme poverty and to be at the same time free men; and they had the privilege of going away wheresoever they wished. And Gizeric commanded that all the lands which he had given over to his sons and to the other Vandals should not be subject to any kind of taxation. But as much of the land as did not seem to him good he allowed to remain in the hands of the former owners, but assessed so large a sum to be paid on this land for taxes to the government that nothing whatever remained to those who retained their farms. And many of them were constantly being sent into exile or killed. For charges were brought against them of many sorts, and heavy ones too; but one charge seemed to be the greatest of all, that a man, having money of .his own, was hiding it. Thus the Libyans were visited with every form of misfortune.
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Τοὺς δὲ δὴ Bavéiaovs te καὶ ᾿Αλανοὺς és A -“ λόχους καταστησάμενος, λοχαγοὺς αὐτοῖς ἐπέ- 2 Λ A στησεν οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ ὀγδοήκοντα, οὕσπερ χιλι- , € dpyous ἐκάλεσε, δόκησιν παρέχων ἐς ὀκτώ οἱ “ 4 μυριάδας συνιέναι τὸν τῶν στρατευομένων λεών. lal A a καίτοι οὐ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐς μυριάδας πέντε TO TOV Βανδίλων τε καὶ ᾿Αλανῶν πλῆθος ἔν γε τῷ πρὶν / a χρόνῳ ἐλέγετο εἶναι. ἔπειτα μέντοι τῇ τε κατὰ a ’ σφᾶς παιδοποιίᾳ καὶ ἄλλους βαρβάρους ἑταιρι- σάμενοι ἐς μεγάλην τινὰ πολυανθρωπίαν ἐχώ- ρησαν. τὰ δὲ τῶν ᾿Αλανῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων βαρβάρων ὀνόματα, πλὴν Μαυρουσίων, ἐς τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων ἅπαντα ἀπεκρίθη. τότε δὲ Τιζέριχος Μαυρουσίους προσποιησάμενος, ἐπειδὴ Βαλεν- τινιανὸς ἐτελεύτησεν, ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ i a ἔς τε Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν éo Boras ἐποιεῖτο καὶ τῶν πόλεων τὰς" μὲν ἀνδραποδίσας, Tas? δὲ .ν > ΝΜ / lé “ > \ καθελὼν ἐς ἔδαφος, ληισάμενός τε ἅπαντα, ἐπεὶ ἀνθρώπων τε ἡ χώρα καὶ χρημάτων ἔρημος ἐγε- γόνει, ἐς τὸ τοῦ ἑῴου βασιλέως ἐσέβαλε κράτος. "IAN ὺς οὖν ἐληί ὶ τῇ II 7 υριοὺς οὖν ἐληίξετο καὶ τῆς τε Πελοποννήσου A ” € 7 N a Ne > a τῆς τε ἄλλης Ελλάδος τὰ πλεῖστα Kal ὅσαι αὑτῇ na / νῆσοι ἐπίκεινται. αὖθις δὲ ἔς τε Σικελίαν καὶ ain / ? / Φ if A ee 2 ταλίαν ἀπέβαινεν, ἦγέ τε καὶ ἔφερεν ἐκ περι- a ’ὔ A τροπῆς ἅπαντα. καί ποτε αὐτὸν és τὴν ναῦν > ΄ ? fol (3 / ΕΣ Ψ' ἐσβὰ ἐν Κ ὃ ἐμένι, ἀνα ἐσβ ντὰ ἐν τῷ Καρχηδόνος λιμένι, ἀν τεινομένων ἤδη τῶν ἱστίων, φασὶν ἐρέσθαι τὸν κυβερνήτην ἐπὶ τίνας ποτὲ ἀνθρώπων ἰέναι κελεύοι. καὶ τὸν
| προσποιησάμενος V : προσεταιρισάμενος Ο. 3 τὰς μὲν Vi: τὰ μὲν 3 ras δὲ VO pr. m. corr. : τὰ δὲ O pr. m.
52
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. v. 18-25
The Vandals and the Alani he arranged in com- panies, appointing over them no less than eighty captains, whom he called “ chiliarchs,’1 making it appear that his host of fighting men in active service amounted to eighty thousand. And yet the number of the Vandals and Alani was said in former times, at least, to amount to no more than fifty thousand men. However, after that time by their natural inerease among themselves and by associating other barbarians with them they came to be an exceedingly numerous people. But the names of the Alani and all the other barbarians, except the Moors, were united in the name of Vandals. At that time, after the death of Valentinian, Gizeric gained the support _of the Moors, and every year at the beginning of spring he made invasions into Sicily and Italy, enslaving some of the cities, razing others to the ground, and plundering everything ; and when the land had become destitute of men and of money, he invaded the domain of the emperor of the East. And so he plundered Illyricum and the most of the Peloponnesus and of the rest of Greece and all the islands which lie near it. And again he went off to Sicily and Italy, and kept plundering and pillaging all places in turn. And one day when he had embarked on his ship in the harbour of Carthage, and the sails were already being spread, the pilot asked him, they say, against what men in the world he bade them go. And he in reply said: “ Plainly
1 fe. ‘‘leaders of a thousand.”
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
, ᾽ ἃ Ὁ \ ἀποκρινάμενον φάναι, δηλονότι ἐφ᾽ ods ὁ θεὸς ᾿ ca ral , > aA x ὥργισται. οὕτως ἐξ οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας ἐφ᾽ ods ἂν τύχοι ἐσέβαλλε.
VI
A }-
Tavoe εἵνεκα τίσασθαι Βανδίλους βασιλεὺς Λέων: βουλόμενος ξυνήγειρεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς στρά- τευμα" τοῦδε δὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος λέγουσι τὸ πλῆθος ἐς δέκα μάλιστα μυριάδας γενέσθαι.
/ \ an > e ts n Ν »" 4 στόλον δὲ νεῶν ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς πρὸς ἕω θαλάσ-
> / ἈΝ 2 / v4 ons ἀθροίσας πολλὴν ἐπεδείξατο μεγαλοφροσύ- νὴν ἔς τε στρατιώτας καὶ ναύτας, δεδιὼς μή τί οἱ ἐκ μικρολογίας. ἐμποδὼν γένηται προθυμου- μένῳ ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐπιτελέσαι τὴν κόλασιν. fal a / φασὶ γοῦν αὐτῷ τριακόσια καὶ χίλια κεντηνάρια ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ ἔργῳ δεδαπανῆσθαι. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἔξει Βανδίλους τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ ἀπολωλέναι, αὐτοκράτορα τοῦ πολέμου ποιεῖται Βασιλίσκον, ,ὔ an a Βηρίνης τῆς γυναικὸς ἀδελφὸν ὄντα καὶ τῆς / / a βασιλείας ἐκτόπως ἐρῶντα, ἥν of ἤλπισεν ἀμα- = Ν ” χητὶ ἔσεσθαι τὴν “Aorapos προσποιησαμένῳ Ν \ Uy an φιλίαν. αὐτὸς yap Ασπαρ τῆς ᾿Αρείου δόξης 4 “ μεταποιούμενος, ταύτην τε οὐκ ἐννοῶν μετατίθε- a \ Z σθαι, παρελθεῖν μὲν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν οὐχ οἷός 7, τε ἦν, καταστήσασθαι δὲ ἐς αὐτὴν ἕτερον εὐπε- τῶς ἴσχυσεν, ἤδη τε Λέοντι τῷ βασιλεῖ ὡς ? , , STA 5 t ἐπιβουλεύσει προσκεκρουκότι ἐπίδοξος ἦν. λέ- γούσιν οὖν σπᾶρα tote δείσαντα μὴ Βανδί- Ve / λων ἡσσημένων ὁ Λέων ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα τὴν 1 λέωνΟ: λέγων V. 2 λέγουσιν οὖν : λέγουσι γοῦν Ο.
54
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ν. 25-vi. 4
against those with whom God is angry.” Thus without any cause he kept making invasions wherever chance might lead him.
VI
Anv the Emperor Leon, wishing to punish the Vandals because of these things, was gathering an army against them; and they say that this army amounted to about one hundred thousand men. And he collected a fleet of ships from the whole of the eastern Mediterranean, shewing great generosity to both soldiers and sailors, for he feared lest from a par- simonious policy some obstacle might arise to hinder him in his desire to carry out his punishment of the barbarians. Therefore, they say, thirteen hundred centenaria! were expended by him to no purpose. But since it was not fated that the Vandals should be destroyed by this expedition, he made Basiliscus commander-in-chief, the brother of his wife Berine, a man who was extraordinarily desirous of the royal power, which he hoped would come to him without a struggle if he won the friendship of Aspar. For Aspar himself, being an adherent of the Arian faith, and having no intention of changing it for another, was unable to enter upon the imperial office, but he was easily strong enough to establish another in it, and it already seemed likely that he would plot against the Emperor Leon, who had given him offence. So they say that since Aspar was then fearful lest, if the Vandals were defeated, Leon should establish his
1 130,000 Roman pounds ; οἵ. Book I. xxii. 4. The modern equivalent is unknown.
55
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
βασιλείαν κρατύνηται, πολλὰ Βασιλίσκῳ. ἐπι- σκήψαντα παρακαταθέσθαι οἱ Βανδίλους τε καὶ Ριξέριχον.
Λέων δὲ ἤδη πρότερον ᾿Ανθέμιον, ἄνδρα ἐκ γερουσίας, πλούτῳ τε καὶ γένει, μέγαν, βασιλέα τῆς ἑσπερίας καταστησάμενος ἔπεμψεν, ὅπως οἱ τὰ ἐς τὸν ᾿Βανδιλικὸν συλλήψεται. πόλεμον. καίτοι Τιξέριχος ἔχρῃξε καὶ πολλὰ ἐλιυπάρει ᾿Ολυβρίῳ παραδοθῆναι τὴν βασιλείαν Πλακιδίᾳ τῇ Βαλεντινιανοῦ παιδὶ ξυνοικοῦντι καὶ διὰ τὸ κῆδος εὐνοϊκῶς αὐτῷ ἔχοντι, ἐπειδή τε τούτου ἠτύχησεν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ὠργίξετο καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν βασιλέως γῆν ἐληίξετο. ἦν δέ τις ἐν Δαλματίᾳ Μαρκελλιανὸς τῶν ᾿Αετίῳ γνωρίμων, ἀνὴρ δό- κιμος, ὃς ἐπειδὴ ᾿Λέτιος ἐτελεύτησε τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ, βασιλεῖ εἴκειν οὐκέτι ἠξίου, ἀλλὰ νεω- τερίσας τε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἀποστήσας autos} εἶχε τὸ Δαλματίας κράτος, οὐδενός οἱ ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι τολμήσαντος. τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Μαρ- κελλιανὸν τότε Λέων βασιλεὺς εὖ μάλα τιθασ- σεύων προσεποιήσατο, καὶ ἐς Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι, Βανδίλων κατήκοον οὖσαν. ὁ δὲ αὐτὴν " Βανδίλους ἐξελάσας οὐ χαλεπῶς ἔσχεν. Ἣ Ἰράκλειος δὲ σταλεὶς ἐκ Βυξαντίου εἰς Τρίπολιν τὴν ἐν Διβύῃ νικήσας τε μάχῃ τοὺς ταύτῃ Βανδί- λους τάς τε πόλεις ῥᾳδίως εἷλε καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐνταῦθα ἀπολιπὼν πεζῇ τὸ στράτευμα ἐς Καρχη- δόνα ἦγε. τὰ μὲν οὖν τοῦ πολέμου προοίμια τῇδε ἐφέρετο.
1 αὐτὸς Haury : οὗτος MSS. 3 αὐτὴν VPO pr. πι. : αὐτῆς O corr.
56
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vi. 4-9
power most. securely, he repeatedly urged. upon ,
Basiliscus that he should spare the Vandals and Gizeric.
‘Now before this time Leon had already appointed and sent Anthemius, as Emperor of the West, a man of the senate of great wealth and high birth, in order that he might assist him in the Vandalic war. And yet Gizeric kept asking and earnestly entreating that the imperial power be given to Olybrius, who was married to Placidia, the daughter of Valentinian, and on account of his relationship? well-disposed toward him, and when he failed in this he was still more angry and kept plundering the whole land of the emperor. Now there was in Dalmatia a certain Marcellianus, one of the acquaintances of Aetius and a man of repute, who, after Aetius had died in'the manner told above,? no longer deigned to yield obedience to the emperor, but beginning a revolution and detaching all the others from alle- giance, held the power of Dalmatia himself, since no one dared encounter him. But the Emperor Leon
467 A.vD.
at that time won over this Marcellianus by very _ careful wheedling, and bade him go to the island of ©
Sardinia, which was then subject to the Vandals. And he drove out the Vandals and gained possession of it with no great difficulty. And Heracleius was sent from Byzantium to Tripolis in Libya, and after conquering the Vandals. of that district in battle, he
easily captured the cities, and leaving his ships there, .
led his army on foot toward Carthage. Such, then,
was the sequence of events which. formed the - .
prelude of the war. 1 Placidia’s sister, Eudocia, was wife of Honoric, Gizeric’s son. 2 See chap. iv. 27.
VOL, ITI. Cc 3
10
11
12
18
14
1ὅ
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
a I , Βασιλίσκος δὲ τῷ παντὶ στόλῳ ἐς πόλισμα , > a κατέπλευσε, Καρχηδόνος διέχον οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ € a ὀγδοήκοντά τε καὶ διακοσίοις σταδίοις (Ἑρμοῦ δὲ νεὼς ἐνταῦθα ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐτύγχανεν ὦν, ἀφ᾽ 4 \ ¥ 4 ¢ if > / cf οὗ δὴ καὶ Mepxovptov ὁ τόπος ἐκλήθη" οὕτω γὰρ τὸν Ἑρμῆν καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι), καὶ εἰ μὴ > / τὰ t > > > \ 2 ’,ὔ ἐθελοκακήσας ἐμέλλησεν, GAN εὐθὺ ἐπεχείρησε Καρχηδόνος ἰέναι, αὐτήν τε ἂν αὐτοβοεὶ etre , καὶ Βανδίλους ἐς οὐδεμίαν ἀλκὴν τραπομένους A ef fe / e BA κατεδουλώσατο" οὕτω Γιζέριχος Λέοντα ws ἀμα- , you βασιλέα κατωρρώδησεν, ἐπεί, of Σαρδώ. τε καὶ Τρίπολις ἁλοῦσαι ἠγγέλλοντο καὶ τὸν Βασι- λίσκου στόλον ἑώρα οἷος οὐδείς πω ἐλέγετο ¢ 2 a a A Ῥωμαίοις πρότερον γεγενῆσθαι. viv δὲ τοῦτο ἐκώλυσεν ἡ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ μέλλησις, εἴτε κακό- τητι εἴτε προδοσίᾳ προσγενομένη." ΓΤ ζέρυχος δὲ τῆς Βασιλίσκου ὀλιγωρίας ἀπολαύων ἐποίει ς la τάδε. ὁπλίσας ἅπαντας ws ἄριστα εἶχε τοὺς ὑπηκόους ἐπλήρου τὰς ναῦς, ἄλλας τε κενὰς ἀνδρῶν καὶ ὡς τάχιστα πλεούσας ἐν παρασκευῇ 3 Ῥ a εἶχε. πέμψας δὲ πρέσβεις ὡς Βασιλίσκον ἐδεῖτο \ la - an τὸν πόλεμον ἐς πέντε ἡμερῶν ὑπερβαλέσθαι χρό- νον, ὅπως μεταξὺ βουλευσάμενος ἐκεῖνα ποιοίη a δ) 4 a) ca) i Μ , ἃ δὴ μάλιστα βασιλεῖ βουλομένῳ εἴη. λέγουσι \ “Ὁ an δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ χρυσίου πολύ τι χρῆμα κρύφα τῆς Γ᾿ a Βασιλίσκου στρατιᾶς πέμψαντα ταύτην δὴ τὴν , na ἐκεχειρίαν ὠνήσασθαι. ἔπρασσε δὲ ταῦτα οἰό- μενος, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, πνεῦμα ἐπίφορον ἐν τούτῳ e A οἱ τῷ χρόνῳ γενήσεσθαι. Βασιλίσκος δὲ ἢ ν / Ασπαρι καθάπερ ὑπέστη χαριζόμενος ἢ τὸν 1 σταδίοις PO: σταδίους V. 2 προσγενομένη VP: γενομένη Ο.
58
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vi. το--τό
But Basiliscus with his whole fleet put in at a town distant from Carthage πὸ less than two hundred and eighty stades (now it so happened that a temple of Hermes had been there from. of old, from which fact the place was named Mer- curium ; for the Romans call Hermes “ Mercurius’’), and if he had not purposely played the coward and hesitated, but had undertaken to go straight for Carthage, he would have captured it at the first onset, and he would have reduced the Vandals to subjection without their even thinking’ of resist- ance; sO overcome was Gizeric with awe of’ Leon as an invincible emperor, when the report was brought to him that Sardinia and Tripolis had been captured, and he saw the fleet of Basiliscus to be such as the Romans were said never to have had before. But, as it was, the general’s hesitation, whether caused by cowardice or treachery, prevented this success. And Gizeric, profiting by the negligence of Basiliscus, did as follows. Arming all his subjects in the best way he could, he filled his ships, but not all, for some he kept in readiness empty, and they were the ships which sailed most swiftly. And sending envoys to Basiliscus, he begged him to defer the war for the space of five days, in order that in the meantime he might take counsel and do those things which were especially desired by the emperor. They say, too, that he sent also a great amount of gold without the knowledge of the army of Basiliscus and thus purchased this armistice. And he did this, thinking, as actually did happen, that a favouring wind would rise for him during this time. And Basiliscus, either as doing a favour to Aspar in accordance with what
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2]
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
καιρὸν ᾿χρημάτων ἀποδιδόμενος, ἢ καὶ βέλτιον αὐτῷ ἐνομίσθη, ἐ ἐποίει τε τὰ αἰτούμενα καὶ ἡσύ- vate é ἐν TO στρατοπέδῳ, τὴν εὐκαιρίαν προσδεχό- μενος τῶν 'πολεμίων.
Οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι, ἐπειδὴ sia τάχιστα τὸ πνεῦμα ἐγεγόνει, ὃ δὴ τέως καραδοκοῦντες ἐκά- θηντο, ἀράμενοί τε τὰ ἱστία καὶ τὰ πλοῖα ἀφέλ- κοντες ὅσα αὐτοῖς ἀνδρῶν κενά, ὥσπερ μοι πρό- TEPOV εἴρηται, παρεσκεύαστο, ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους. ὡς δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, πῦρ ἐν τοῖς πλοίοις ἐνθέμενοι, ἃ ἃ δὴ αὐτοὶ ἐφέλκοντες ἦγον, κεκολπωμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἱστίων, ἀφῆκαν ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων. στρατόπεδον. ἅτε δὲ πλήθους ὄντος ἐνταῦθα νηῶν, ὅπη τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτᾳ προσ- πίπτοιεν,, ἔκαιόν τε ῥᾳδίως καὶ αὐτὰ" οἷς ἂν συμμίξαιεν ἑτοίμως ξυνδιεφθείροντο.3 οὕτω. be τοῦ πυρὸς ἐπιφερομένου θόρυβός᾽ τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, εἶχε τὸν Ῥωμαίων στόλον * καὶ “κραυγῆς μέγεθος τῷ τε πνεύματι καὶ τῷ τῆς φλογὸς βόμβῳ ἀντι- ; παταγούσης μάλιστα, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν. ὁμοῦ τοῖς ναύταις ἀλλήλοις ὃ ἐγκελευομένων καὶ τοῖς κοντοῖς διωθουμένων τά τε πυρφόρα πλοῖα καὶ τὰς σφῶν αὐτῶν ναῦς ὑπ᾽ ἀχλήλων διαφθειρο- μένας οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ. τῶ] δὲ καὶ οἱ Βανδίλοι παρῆσαν ἐμβάλλοντές ὃ τε καὶ καταδύοντες καὶ αὐτοῖς ὅπλοις τοὺς διαφεύγοντας τῶν στρατιω- τῶν ληιζόμενοι. εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ καὶ ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ
3 προσπίπτοιεν PB: παραπίπτοιεν Ο.
2 αὐτὰ O: αὐτοὶ P, αὐτοῖς Grotius.
ξ ἡ ἐρηδιεφθείβογτο Haury : ξυνδιεφθείρετο MSS. 4 εἶχε τὸν-- στόλον Pe ἦν ἐν τῶ---στόλω 0.
δ᾽ ἀλλήλοις Ρ : ἀλλήλους τε Ὁ, © ἐμβάχλοντές O: βάλλοντές Ρ.
60
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vil 16-22
he had promised, or selling the moment) of ὁρ- portunity for money, or perhaps thinking it the better course, did as he was requested and remained quietly in the camp, awaiting the moment favourable to the enemy. '
But the Vandals, as soon as the wind had arisen for them which they had been expecting during the time they lay at rest, raised their sails and, taking in tow the boats which, as has been stated above, they had made ready with no men in them, they sailed against the enemy. And when they came near, they set fire to the boats which they were towing, when their sails were bellied by the wind, and let them go against the Roman fleet. And since there were a great number of ships there, these boats easily spread fire wherever they struck, and were themselves readily destroyed together with those with which they came in contact. . And as the fire advanced in this way the Roman fleet was filled with tumult, as was natural, and with a great din that rivalled the noise caused by the wind and the roaring of the flames, as the soldiers together with the sailors shouted orders to one another and pushed off with their poles the fire-boats and their . own. ships. as well, which were being destroyed by one.another in complete disorder. And already the Vandals too were at. hand ramming and sinking the ships, and making booty of such of the soldiers as attempted to escape, and of their arms as well. But there were also some of the Romans who proved
61
23
24
25
26
27
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Ῥωμαίων ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ ἐγένοντο, καὶ πάν- τῶν μάλιστα Ἰωάννης, ὑποστράτηγός Te ὧν Βασιλίσκου καὶ οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν τῆς ἐκείνου προδοσίας μεταλαχών. περιστάντος γὰρ ὁμίλου πολλοῦ τὴν αὐτοῦ ναῦν, ἔκτεινε μὲν ἐπιστροφάδην ἀπὸ τοῦ καταστρώματος πολύ τι τῶν πολεμίων πλῆθος, ὡς δὲ ἁλισκομένης ἤσθετο τῆς “Ψεώς, ἥλατο! ξὺν πάσῃ τῇ τῶν ὅπλων σκευῇ ἀπὸ τῶν ἰκρίων εἰς θάλασσαν. πολλὰ μὲν οὗν αὐτὸν ἐλι- πάρει Γένζων ὁ Τ' ἐζερίχου, πιστά τε παρεχόμενος καὶ σωτηρίαν προτεινόμενος, ὁ δὲ οὐδὲν ἧ ἧσσον ἐς θάλασσαν καθῆκε τὸ σῶμα, ἐκεῖνο μόνον ἀπο- φθεγξάμενος, ὡς οὐ μή ποτε ᾿Ιωάννης ὑπὸ χερσὶ κυνῶν γένηται.
Ὁ μὲν δὴ πόλεμος οὗτος ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα καὶ Ἡράκλειος ἐπ᾽ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθη" “Μαρκελλιανὸς γὰρ πρός του τῶν συναρχόντων ἀπώλετο δόλῳ. Βασιλίσκος δὲ «ἀφικόμενος ἐς Βυξάντιον ἱκέτης ἐκάθητο ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν Χριστοῦ τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ (Σοφίαν καλοῦσιν οἱ Βυξάντιοι τὸν νεών, ταύτην δὴ μάλιστα τῷ θεῷ πρέπειν τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἡγού- μενοι), ἐξαιτησαμένης δὲ αὐτὸν Βηρίνης τῆς βασιλίδος τὸν μὲν κίνδυνον τοῦτον διέφυγεν, ἐς βασιλείαν δὲ τότε παρελθεῖν, ἧ ἧς δὴ ἕνεκα πάντα αὐτῷ εἴργαστο, οὐχ οἷός te ἦν. Λέων γὰρ βασι- Neve οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον "Ασπαρά τε καὶ ᾽Αρδα- βούριον ἐν παλατίῳ διέφθειρεν, ἐπεί οἱ θάνατον ἐπιβουλεύειν αὐτοὺς ὑπετόπησε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐγένετο THOE.
1 ἥλατο Hoeschel: ἥλλατο MSS. 2 αὐτὸν O: om. P.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vi. 22-27
themselves brave men in this struggle, and most of all John, who was a general under Basiliscus and who had no share whatever in his treason. For a great throng having surrounded his ship, he stood on the deck, and turning from side to side kept killing very great numbers of the enemy from there, and when he perceived that the ship was being captured, he leaped with his whole equipment of arms from the deck into the sea. And though Genzon, the son of Gizeric, entreated him earnestly not to do this, offering pledges and holding out promises of safety, he nevertheless threw himself into the sea, uttering this one word, that John would never come under the hands of dogs.
So this war came to an end, and Heracleius
departed for home; for Marcellianus had been de- stroyed treacherously by one of his fellow-officers. And Basiliscus, coming to Byzantium, seated himself as a suppliant in the sanctuary of Christ the Great God (“Sophia”! the temple is called by the men of Byzantium who consider that this designation is es- _ pecially appropriate to God), and although, by the intercession of Berine, the queen, he escaped this danger, he was not able at that time to reach the throne, the thing for the sake of which everything had been done by him. For the Emperor Leon not long afterwards destroyed both Aspar and Ardaburius in the palace, because he suspected that they were plotting against his life. Thus, then, did these events take place. 1 2,6. ‘ wisdom.”
63
471 A.D.
ες PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
VII
᾿Ανθέμιος δὲ ὁ τῶν δυσμῶν αὐτοκράτωρ πρὸς τοῦ κηδεστοῦ Ῥεκίμερος διαφθαρεὶς ἐτελεύτα, Ὀλύβριός τε τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκδεξάμενος" ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον χρόνῳ τὴν ὁμοίαν πεπρωμένην ἀνέπλησε. 2 'τεχευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ Λέοντος ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, παῤέ- λαβε τὴν βασιλείαν Λέων ὁ Ζήνωνός te καὶ ᾿Αριάδνης τῆς Λέοντος θυγατρός, ἐς ἡμερῶν ἔτι 3 ὀλίγων πὸυ ἡλικίαν ἥκων. αἱρεθέντος δὲ 'ξυμε βασιλέως" αὐτῷ τοῦ πατρός, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ὁ 4 παῖς ἐξ, ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο. ἄξιόν δὲ καὶ "“Μαϊορίνου ἐπιμνησθῆναι, ὃς δὴ πρότερον ἔσχε τὸ ἑσπέριον κράτος. οὗτος γὰρ ὁ Maiopivos, ξύμ- παντας τοὺς πώποτε Ῥωμαίων βεβασιλευκότας ὑπεραίρων “ἀρετῇ πάσῃ, τὸ Λιβύης πάθος οὐκ ἤνεγκε πρᾷως, ἀλλὰ στρατιὰν ἐπὶ Βανδίλους ἀξιολογωτώτην ἀγείρας ἐν ᾿Λιγούροις ἐγένετο, αὐτὸς τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξηγεῖσθαι 5 διανοούμενος. ἦν γὰρ ὁ Μαϊορῖνος és τε τοὺς ἄχλους πόνους καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐς τοὺς κινδύνους 6 ἄοκνος κομιδῆ. οὐκ ἀξύμφορον δέ οἱ ἡγούμενος εἶναι δύναμίν te τὴν Βανδίλων καὶ τὸ Τιζερίχου ἦθος διερευνήσασθαι πρότερον καὶ ὅπη ποτὲ Μαυρούσιοί te καὶ Λίβυες εὐνοίας te ἢ ἔχθους πέρι ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔχοιεν, οὐκ ἄλλοις τισι πιστεύει: 7 τὸ τοιοῦτον ἢ ὀφθαλμοῖς τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἔγνω. πρεσ- 1 ἐκδεξάμενος VP: διαδεξάμενος Ο. 2 ξυμβασιλέως PO: ξυμβασιλεύειν V.
3 ἔχοιεν---αὑτοῦ VO: κατέστησαν, αὐτὸς τοῦ τοιούτου ἔργον τελεστὴς γενέσθαι P.
64
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III vii. 1-7
Vil
Now Anthemius, the emperor of the West, died at the hand of his son-in-law Rhecimer, and Olybrius, succeeding to the throne, a short time. afterward suffered the same fate. And when Leon also had died in Byzantium, the imperial office was taken over by the younger Leon, the son of Zeno and, Ariadne, the daughter of Leon, while he was ‘still only a few days old. And his father having.been chosen as partner in the royal power, the: child forthwith ‘passed from the world. Majorinus also deserves mention, who had gained the power of the West before this time. For this Majorinus, who surpassed in every virtue all who have ever been emperors of the Romans, did not bear lightly the loss of Libya, but collected a very considerable army against the Vandals and came to Liguria, intending himself to lead the army against the enemy. For Majorinus never showed the least hesitation before any task.and least of all before the dangers of war. But thinking it not inexpedient for him to investigate first the strength of the Vandals and the character of Gizeric and to discover how the: Moors and Libyans stood with regard to friendship’ or hostility toward the Romans, he decided to trust no eyes other than his own in such a matter, Accordingly he set out as
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Aug. 11 472 A.D.
Oct. 10, 472 A.D.
474 A.D.
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βευτὴς οὖν ὡς δὴ ἐκ βασιλέως παρὰ τὸν Γιξέρι- χον ἐστάλη, ἄλλο τι αὑτῷ ὄνομα ξυμπεπλασμένον ἐπενεγκών. δείσας δὲ μὴ καταφανὴς γεγονὼς αὐτός τε κακόν τι λάβῃ καὶ τὰ πρασσόμενα διακωλύσῃ, μηχανᾶται τ τοιάδε. τὰς ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ τρίχας (δια βόητοι γὰρ ἦσαν ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὅτι δὴ οὕτω ξανθαὶ εἶεν ὥστε χρυσῷ ἀκιβδήλῳ εἰκάξεσθαι) βαφῇ τινι ; χρίσας ἐς τοῦτο ἐξεπίτηδες ἐξευρημένῃ ἐπὶ καιροῦ μεταβαλεῖν ἐς τὸ κυάνεον παντελῶς ἴσχυσεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ I ἐξερί @ ἐς ὄψιν ἦλθε, τά τε ἄχλα ὁ Γιζέριχος αὐτὸν ἐνεχείρει δεδίσσεσθαι καὶ ἅτε φίλον ἐπαγαγόμενος ἐς τὸ οἴκημα ἦλθεν οὗ δὴ τὰ ὅπλα ξυνέκειτο πάντα, πολλά τε καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα ὑπερφυῶς ὄντα. ἐνταῦθά φασι τὰ ὅπλα κινηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ αὐτο- μάτου πάταγον οὐ “μέτριον! οὐδὲ τὸν τυχόντα ἀφεῖναι, καὶ τότε μὲν τῷ Γιξερίχῳ σεισμόν τινα γεγονέναι δοκεῖν, ἔξω δὲ γενομένῳ ἀμφί τε τῷ σεισμῷ ἀναπυνθανομένῳ, ἐπεί οἱ τῶν ἄχλων οὐδεὶς ὡμολόγει, θαῦμα μὲν ἐπιπεσεῖν μέγα, οὐ μέντοι ξυμβαλεῖν τὸ γεγονὸς οἵῳ τε εἶναι. ὁ μὲν οὖν Μαϊορῖνος διαπεπραγμένος ἅπερ ἐβούλετο ἐπὶ Λυγουρίας ἀπεκομίσθη, καὶ τῷ στρατῷ πεζῇ βαδίξοντι ἐξηγούμενος. ἐπὶ στήλας τὰς Ἡρακλεί- ους ἤει, διαβαίνειν μὲν διανοούμενος τὸν ἐκείνῃ πορθμόν, ὁδῷ δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα ἐνθένδε ἰέναι. ὧνπερ ὁ Ριξέριχος αἰσθόμενος καὶ ὅτι δὴ πρὸς Μαϊορίνου ἐν τῇ πρεσβείᾳ φενακισθείη, ἐ ἔς τε ὀρρωδίαν ἐμπέπτωκε καὶ τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐξηρτύετο. οἵ τε Ῥωμαῖοι τεκμηριούμενοι τῇ Μαϊορίνου ἀρετῇ εὐέλπιδες ἤδη ἐγένοντο Διβύην
1 οὐ μέτριον VPO in marg. : οὐ μικρὸν O in context. 66
HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL. vii. 7-13
if an envoy from the emperor to Gizeric, assuming some fictitious name. And fearing lest, by becoming known, he should himself receive some harm and at the same time prevent the success of the enterprise, he devised the following scheme. His hair, which was famous among all men as being so fair as to resemble pure gold, he anointed with some kind of dye, which was especially invented for this purpose, and so succeeded completely in changing it for the time to a dark hue. And when he came before Gizeric, the barbarian attempted in many ways to terrify him, and in particular, while treating him with engaging attention, as if a friend, he brought him into the house where all his weapons were stored, a numerous and exceedingly noteworthy array. Thereupon they say that the weapons shook of their own accord and gave forth a sound of no ordinary or casual sort, and then it seemed to Gizeric that there had been an earthquake, but when he got outside and made enquiries concerning the earth- quake, since no one else agreed with him, a great wonder, they say, came over him, but he was not able to comprehend the meaning of what had happened. So Majorinus, having accomplished the very things he wished, returned to Liguria, and lead- ing his army on foot, came to the Pillars of Heracles, purposing to cross over the strait at that point, and then to march by land from there against Carthage. And-when Gizeric became aware of this, and per- ceived that he had been tricked by Majorinus in the matter of the embassy, he became alarmed and made his preparations for war. And the Romans, basing their confidence on the valour of Majorinus, already began to have fair hopes of recovering Libya for the
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA i
τῇ ἀρχῇ ἀνασώσασθαι. ἀχλὰ μεταξὺ νόσῳ δυσ- evrepias ἁλοὺς ὁ Μαϊορῖνος διαφθείρεται, a τὰ μὲν εἰς τοὺς ὑπηκόους μέτριος γεγονώς, φοβε- ρὸς δὲ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους. καὶ Νέπως δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν πὰἀραλαβὼν ὀλίγας τε ἡμέρας ἐπιβιοὺς ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ, καὶ Ἐλυκέριος μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐς ταύτην δὴ προελθὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν τύχην τὴν ὁμοίαν ἀνέπλησε. μεθ᾽ dv. δὴ Αὔγουστος τὴν αὐτοκρά- τορα ἀρχὴν ἔλαβε. βασιλεῖς “μέντοι καὶ ἄλλοι πρότερον ἐν. τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ γεγόνασιν, ὧνπερ τὰ ὀνόματα ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιμνήσομαι. Ἰρόνον τε γὰρ. αὐτοῖς τῇ ἀρχῆ ὀλίγον τινὰ ἐπι- Μιῶναι καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγου ἄξιον οὐδὲν πεπρα- χέναι" ξυνέπεσε. ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ ἐγένετο.
Ἔν δὲ Βυξαντίῳ ὁ ὁ Βασιλίσκος (οὐ γὰρ ἔτι οἷός τε ἣν τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς βασιλείας βιάξεσθαι) τυραν- νίδι ἐπιθέμενος ἐκράτησεν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ, Ζήνωνος ὁμοῦ τῇ γυναικὶ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ισαυρίαν, , ἀφ᾽ ἧς δὴ ὡρμᾶτο, διαφυγόντος. ἔχοντι, δὲ αὐτῷ τὴν τυραν- νίδα ἐνιαυτὸν τε καὶ μῆνας ὀκτὼ οἵ τε ἄλλοι ὡς εἰπεῖν. ξύμπαντες καὶ οἱ τῆς αὐλῆς στρατιῶται διὰ φιλοχρηματίας μέγεθος ἤχθοντο. ὧν δὴ
Envov αἰσθόμενος στρατιάν τε ἀγείρας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤει. Βασιλίσκος δὲ στρατόν τε καὶ στρατηγὸν “Αρμάτον ὡς ἀντιταξόμενος " Ζήνωνι. ἔπεμψεν. ὡς δὲ πλησίον mov ἀλλήλοις ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο, παραδίδωσιν “Appdros Ζήνωνι τὸ αὑτοῦ στράτευ: μὰ, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ Βασίλίσκον τὸν αὐτοῦ υἱόν, κομιδῆ
1 πεπραχέναι PO: πεπράχθαυ V. 2 ἀντιταξόμενος VO: ἀντιταξόμενον P,
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vii. 13-21
empire. But meantime Majorinus was attacked by the disease of dysentery and died, a man who had 461 a. shewn himself moderate toward his subjects, and an object. of fear to his enemies. And another emperor, July 2, Nepos, upon taking over the empire, and living. to oa enjoy it only a few days, died οἵ disease, and Glycerius after him entered into this office and 474-475 ap. suffered a. similar fate. And after him Augustus assumed the imperial power. There were, moreover, still other emperors in the West before this time, but though I know their names well, 1 shall make no mention of them whatever. For it so fell out that they lived only a short time after attaining the office, and as a result of this accomplished nothing worthy of mention. Such was the course of events in the West.
But in Byzantium Basiliscus, being no longer able to master his passion for royal power, made an attempt to usurp the throne, and succeeded without difficulty, since Zeno, together with his wife, sought refuge in Isauria, which was his native home. And 475 a» while he was maintaining his tyranny for a year and eight months he was detested by practically everyone and in particular by the soldiers of the court on account of the greatness of his avarice. And Zeno, perceiving this, collected an army and came against him. And Basiliscus sent an army under the general Harmatus in order to array himself against Zeno. But when they had made. camp near one another, Harmatus surrendered his army to Zeno, on the condition that Zeno should appoint as Caesar Harmatus’ son Basilis-
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ὄντα παῖδα véov,' Kaicapa te καταστήσεσθαι καὶ τελευτῶντι διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας ἀπολιπεῖν. Βασιλίσκος δὲ πάντων ἔρημος γεγονὼς ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν καταφεύγει οὗπερ καὶ πρότερον. καὶ αὐτὸν ᾿Ακάκιος, ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἱερεύς, Ζήνωνι ἐνεχείρισεν, ἀσέβειάν τε αὐτῷ ἐπενεγκὼν καὶ ὡς πολλὰ τοῦ Χριστιανῶν δόγματος ξυνετάραξέ τε καὶ ἐνεόχμω- σεν, ἐς τὴν ὐτυχοῦς αἵρεσιν ἀποκλίνας. καὶ ἣν δὲ οὕτως. Ζήνων δὲ αὖθις τὴν βασιλείαν παρα- λαβὼν καὶ τὴν ἐς ᾿Αρμάτον πίστιν ἀφοσιούμενος Βασιλίσκον τὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα Καίσαρα καταστη- σάμενος, οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον αὐτόν τε ἀφείλετο τὴν τιμὴν καὶ ᾿Αρμάτον ἔκτεινε. Βασιλίσκον δὲ ὁμοῦ τοῖς τε παισὶ καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ πέμψας ἐς Καππαδοκίαν χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ σιτίων τε καὶ ἱμα- τίων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐπιμελείας ἐρήμους ἐκέλευσεν εἶναι. ἔνθα δὴ ψύχει τε καὶ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι ἔς τε ἀλλήλους καταφεύγουσι καὶ τὰ φίλτατα Te pl- βαλόντες σώματα διεφθάρησαν. αὕτη te Βασι- λίσκον τῶν πεπολιτευμένων κατέλαβε τίσις. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἐγένετο. Τιζέριχος δὲ τότε ἀπάτῃ τε περιελθὼν καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἐξελάσας, ὡς πρόσθεν εἴρηται, τοὺς πολε- μίους, οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, ἣγέ τε τὰ Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἔφερε ξύμπαντα, ἕως αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς Ζήνων ἐς ὁμολογίαν ἀφίκετο σπονδαί τε αὐτοῖς ἀπέραντοι ξυνετέθησαν, μήτε Βανδίλους πολέμιόν τι ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα “Ῥωμαίους ἐργά- σασθαι μήτε αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἐκείνων ξυμβῆναι. ταύ- Tas τε τὰς σπονδὰς Ζήνων τε αὐτὸς διεσώσατο
1 νέον Ὗ : om. P, νήπιον O. 3 ἀπολιπεῖν VP: καταλιπεῖν O,
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vii. 21-26
cus, who was a very young child, and leave him as suc- cessor to the throne upon his death. And Basiliscus, deserted by all, fled for refuge to the same sanctuary as formerly. And Acacius, the priest of the city, put him into the hands of Zeno, charging him with impiety and with having brought great confusion and many innovations into the Christian doctrine, having inclined toward the heresy of Eutyches. And this was so. And after Zeno had thus taken over the empire a second time, he carried out his pledge to Harmatus formally by appointing his son Basiliscus Caesar, but not long afterwards he both stripped him of the office and put Harmatus to death. And he sent Basiliscus together with his children and his wife into Cappadocia in the winter season, commanding that they should be destitute of food and clothes and every kind of care. And there, being hard pressed by both cold and hunger, they took refuge in one another’s arms, and embracing their loved ones, perished. And this punishment overtook Basiliscus for the policy he had pursued. These things, how- ever, happened in later times.
But at that time Gizeric was plundering the whole Roman domain just as much as before, if not more, circumventing his enemy by craft and driving them out of their possessions by force, as has been previously said, and he continued to do so until the emperor Zeno came to an agreement with him and an endless peace was established between them, by which it was provided that the Vandals should never in all time perform any hostile act against the Romans nor suffer such a thing at their hands. And this peace was preserved by Zeno himself and
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καὶ ὃς μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν ᾿Αναστάσιος. διέμειναν δὲ καὶ ἐς ᾿ἸἸουστῖνον αὐτοκράτορα. τούτου δὲ ᾿Ιουστίνου ἀδελφιδοῦς ὧν ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς διεδέξατο! τὴν βασιλείαν: ἐπὶ τούτου ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ βασιλεύοντος 6 πόλεμος κατέστη ὅδε, τρόπῳ ᾧ ἐν τοῖς ὄπισθεν λελέξεται λόγοις. χρόνον δὲ ὀλίγον Trképryos ἐπιβιοὺς ἐτελεύτα πόρρω που ἤδη ἡλικίας ἥκων, διαθήκας. διαθέμενος ἐν αἷς ἄλλα τε πολλὰ Βανδίλοις ἐπέσκηψε καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀεὶ Βανδίλων ἐς: τοῦτον ἰέναι ὃς ἂν ἐκ γόνου ἄρρενος αὐτῷ Τίζε- ρίχῳ κατὰ γένος προσήκων πρῶτος ὧν ἁπάντων τῶν αὐτοῦ ξυγγειῶν τὴν ἡλικίαν τύχοι. Γιζέρεχος μὲν οὖν ἄρξας Βανδίλων ἐπειδὴ Καρχηδόνος ἐκράτησεν ἔτη ἐννέα καὶ τριάκοντα, ἐτελεύτησεν; ὥσπερ εἴρηται. : ἷ '
VIII
‘Ovdpixos δέ, ὁ τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων πρεσβύ- τατος, διεδέξατο τὴν ἀρχήν, Γένξωνος ἤδη. ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθέντος. ἐπὶ τούτου “Ονωρίχου Βανδίλων ἄρχοντος πόλεμος αὐτοῖς πρὸς οὐδένα,
, ἀνθρώπων, ὅτι μὴ ἐς Μαυρουσίους, ἐγένετο. δέει a ,ὔ a yap τῷ ἐκ Γιζερίχου ἡσυχάζοντες πρὸ τοῦ οἱ 7 a Μαυρούσιοι, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἐκποδὼν αὐτοῖς ἐκεῖνος ἐγεγόνει, ἔδρασάν τε πολλὰ τοὺς Βαν. δί \ \ > \ wv θ / δὲ ¢ ΄ ὕχους κακὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔπαθον. γέγονε δὲ ‘Ove- > \ > Le \ > je iA pexos es τοὺς ἐν Λιβύῃ Χριστιανοὺς ὠμότατός τε καὶ, ἀδικώτατος ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. βιαζόμενος γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὴν ᾿Αρειανῶν μετατίθεσθαι δόξαν, 1 διεδέξατο PO: ἐδέξατο. χ2
HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIE vii. 26-viii. 4
also by his successor in the empire, Anastasius. And it remained in force until the time of the emperor Justinus. But. Justinian, who was. the nephew of Justinus, succeeded him in the imperial power, and it was in the reign of this Justinian. that the war with which we are concerned came to pass, in the manner which will be told in the following narrative, Gizeric, after living on a short time, died at an advanced. age, having made a will in which he enjoined many things upon the Vandals and ἰὴ particular that the royal power among them should always fall to that one who should be the first in years among all the male offspring descended from Gizeric himself. So Gizeric, having ruled over the Vandals thirty-nine years from the time when he captured Carthage, died, as I have said.
VIII
» Anp: Honoric, the eldest of his sons, succeeded to
477 A.D.
the throne, Genzon having already departed from ᾿
the: world. ._During the time when this Honoric ruled the Vandals they had no war against anyone at all,.except the Moors. For through. fear of Gizeric
the Moors had remained quiet before that time, but .
as soon as he. was out of their way they both did much harm to the Vandals and suffered the same
themselves. And Honoric shewed himself the most
cruel and unjust of all men toward the Christians in Libya. For he forced them to change over to the Arian faith, and as many as he found not readily
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ὅσους dv λάβοι οὐχ ἑτοίμως αὐτῷ εἴκοντας, ἔκαιέ τε καὶ ἄλλαις θανάτου ἰδέαις διέφθειρε, πολλῶν δὲ καὶ τὰς γχώσσας ἀπέτεμεν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς φάρυγγος, of ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ περιόντες ἐν Βυξαντίῳ ἐχρῶντο ἀκραιφνεῖ τῇ φωνῇ, ovd ὁπωστιοῦν ταύτης δὴ τῆς τιμωρίας ἐπαισθανόμενοι: ὧν δὴ δύο, ἐπειδὴ γυναιξὶν ἑταίραις πλησιάζειν ἔγνωσαν, οὐκέτι φθέγγεσθαι τὸ λοιπὸν ἴσχυσαν. ἔτη τε ὀκτὼ Βανδίλων ἄρξας ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ, Μαυρου- σίων ἤδη τῶν ἐν τῷ Αὐρασίῳ ὄρει ῳφκημένων " ἀποστάντων τε ἀπὸ Βανδίλων καὶ αὐτονόμων ὄντων (ἔστι δὲ τὸ Αὐράσιον ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ τριῶν καὶ δέκα ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν μάλιστα Καρχηδόνος διέχον, τετραμμένον τε πρὸς μεσημβρίαν), ob οὐκέτι ὑπὸ Βανδίλοις ἐγένοντο, οὐ δυναμένων Βανδίλων ἐν ὄρει δυσόδῳ τε καὶ ἀνάντει λίαν πόλεμον πρὸς Μαυρουσίους διενεγκεῖν. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ “Ονωρίχου τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων κράτος ἐς Γουνδαμοῦνδον ἦλθε τὸν Τένζωνος τοῦ Τιζερίχου. ἐς αὐτὸν γὰρ ὁ χρόνος ἔφερε τὰ πρωτεῖα τοῦ [Γιζερίχου γένους. οὗτος ὁ Γουνδα- μοῦνδος πλείοσι μὲν πρὸς Μαυρουσίους ἐμαχέσατο ξυμβολαῖς, μείζοσι δὲ τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ὑπα- γωγὼν πάθεσιν ἐτελεύτησε νοσήσας, ἤδη που μεσοῦντος τοῦ δωδεκάτου τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτους. ἀδελ- hos τε αὐτοῦ Τρασαμοῦνδος παρέλαβε τὴν βασιλείαν, εἴδους τε καὶ ξυνέσεως ἐς τὰ μάλιστα καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας εὖ ἥκων. τοὺς μέντοι Χρισ- τιανοὺς ἐβιάζετο μεταβαλέσθαι τὴν πάτριον δόξαν, οὐκ αἰκιζόμενος τὰ σώματα ὥσπερ οἱ 1 ἑτοίμως VO: ἑτοίμους P. 2 ὠκημένων VP: κειμένων O, 2 δυναμένων PO: γενομένων V.
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yielding to him he burned, or destroyed by other forms of death; and he also cut off the tongues of many from the very throat, who even up to my time were going about in Byzantium having their speech uninjured, and perceiving not the least effect from this punishment ; but two of these, since they saw fit to go in to harlots, were thenceforth no longer able to speak. And after ruling over the Vandals eight years he died of disease ; and by that time the Moors dwelling on Mt. Aurasium! had revolted from the Vandals and were independent (this Aurasium is a mountain of Numidia, about thirteen days’ journey distant from Carthage and fronting the south); and indeed they never came under the Vandals again, since the latter were unable to carry on a war against Moors on a mountain difficult of access and exceedingly steep.
After the death of Honoric the rule of the Vandals fell to Gundamundus, the son of Genzon, the son of Gizeric. For he, in point of years, was the first of the offspring of Gizeric. This Gundamundus fought against the Moors in numerous encounters, and after subjecting the Christians to still greater suffering, he died of disease, being now at about the middle of the. twelfth year of his reign. And his brother Trasa- mundus took over the kingdom, a man well-favoured in appearance and especially gifted with discretion and highmindedness. However he continued to force the Christians to change their ancestral faith, not by torturing their bodies as his predecessors had
; 1 Jebel Auress,
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485 A.D.
496 a.D,
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πρότεροι, ἀλλὰ τιμαῖς TE καὶ ἀρχαῖς. μετιὼν: καὶ, χρήμασι μεγάλοις δωρούμενος, καὶ τοὺς ἀπειθοῦν- τας, ὁποῖοί ποτε, εἶεν, ἥκιστά γε εἰδέναι. ποιού- μενος. εἰ δέ τινας λάβοι μεγάλοις ἁμαρτήμασιν ἐνόχους ἢ τύχῃ ἢ γνώμῃ γεγενημένους, τούτοις δὴ μεταβαλλομένοις τὴν δόξαν. μισθὸν mpov- τίθει. μὴ δοῦναι τὴν δίκην ὧν ἥμαρτον. ἐπειδὴ. δὲ ἡ, γυνὴ ἐτελεύτα, οὐ γενομένη μήτηρ. οὔτε ἄρσενος οὔτε θήλεος γόνου, κρατῦναι ὡς ἄριστα τὴν βασιλείαν βουλόμενος, ἐς Θευδέριχον τὸν ΓΤότθων βασιλέα πέμψας ἤτει οἱ γυναῖκα τὴν ἀδελφὴν ᾿Αμαλαφρίδαν διδόναι, ἧς δὴ ἄρτι ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐτεθνήκει. ὁ δέ οἱ καὶ τὴν 5 ἀδελφὴν ἔπεμψε καὶ Γότθων δοκίμων χιλίους ἐν δορυφόρων λόγῳ, οἷς δὴ ὅμιλος θεραπείας εἵπετο ἐς πέντε μάλιστα "λιάδας ἀνδρῶν μαχίμων. ἐδωρήσατο δὲ τὴν ἀδελφὴν Θευδέριχος καὶ τῶν Σικελίας ὃ ἀκρω- τηρίων τριῶν ὁ ὄντων ἑνί, ὃ δὴ καλοῦσι ΔΛιλύ- βάιον, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἔδοξεν ὁ Τρασαμοῦνδος πάντων δὴ τῶν ἐν Βανδίλοις ἡγησαμένων κρείσ- σὼν τε ἐΐναι καὶ δυνατώτατος. ἐγένετο δὲ φίλος καὶ ᾿Αναστασίῳ βασιλεῖ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα. ἐπὶ Τούτου βασιλεύοντος ξυνέπεσε Βανδίλοις πάθος tt παθεῖν πρὸς Μαυρουσίων οἷον οὔπω πρὸ τοῦ ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. KaBaov ἣν tis ἄρχων τῶν ἀμφὶ Τρίπολιν Μαυρουσίων, πολέμων τε πολλῶν ἔμπειρος καὶ λίαν ἀγχίνους. οὗτος ὁ Καβάων ἐπειδὴ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατεύεσθαι Βανδίλους ἐπύθετο, ἐποίει 1 δὴ Hoeschel: δὲ MSS. 2 καὶ τὴν O: καὶ om, P, -
8 σικελίας PO pr. m.: ἐν σικελία O pr. m. corr. 4 τριῶν added by Haury.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. viii. 9-15
done, but by seeking to win them with honours and Ὁ offices and presenting them with «great: sums of money; and in the case of those who would not be persuaded, he pretended. he had not the least know- ledge of what manner of men they. were.t And if he caught any guilty of great crimes which they had committed either by accident.or deliberate intent, he would offer ‘such men, as a reward for changing their faith, that they should not be punished for their | offences. And when his wife died without becoming the moter of either male or female offspring, wishing to establish the kingdom as securely ‘as possible, he sent to Theoderic, the king of the Goths, asking him to give him his sister Amalafrida to wife, for her husband had just died. And Theoderic sent. him not only his sister but also a thousand of the notable Goths as a bodyguard, who were followed by a host of: attendants amounting to about five thousand fighting men, And Theoderic ,also . presented his sister-with one of the promontories of Sicily, which are three in. number,—the one which they call Lilybaeum,—and as a result of this Trasamundus was accounted the strongest and most powerful of all those who had ruled over the Vandals. He became also a very special friend of the emperor Anastasius. It was during the reign of Trasamundus that it came about that the Vandals suffered a disaster at the hands of the Moors such as had never befallen them before that time." « * ‘
“There was a certain Cabaon ruling over the Moors of Tyipolis, a man’ experienced in many wars and exceedingly’ shrewd... This Cabaon, upon learning that the Vandals were marching against him, did as
1 i.e. to what sect or religion they belonged, 77
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τοιάδε. πρῶτὰ μὲν τοῖς ὑπημόοις ἐπήγγελλεν ἀδικίας Te πάσης καὶ βρώσεως ἐς τρυφὴν ἀγούσης καὶ πάντων μάλιστὰ γυναικῶν ξυνουσίας ἀπέ- χεσθαι' χαρακώματάτε δύο πηξάμενος ἐν θατέρῳ μὲν αὐτὸς ξὺν πᾶσιν ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ἐν δὲ δὴ τῷ ἑτέρῳ τὰς γυναῖκας καθεῖρξε, θάνατόν τε τὴν ζημίαν ἠπείλησεν ἔσε- σθαι, ἤν τις ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν γυναικῶν χαράκωμα ἴοι. μετὰ δὲ πέμψας ἐς Καρχηδόνα κατασκόπους ἐπέταττε τάδε: ἐπειδὰν οἱ Βανδίλοι ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν! βαδίζοντες ἔς τινα νεὼν ὑβρίσωσιν ὃν οἱ Χριστιανοὶ σέβονται, αὐτοὺς μὲν ἐφορᾶν τὰ γινόμενα" ἢν δὲ οἱ Βανδίλοι τὸ χωρίον ἀμείψωσιν, ἅπαντα ποιεῖν τἀναντία ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ὧν ἐκεῖνοι δράσαντες οἴχονται. ἐπειπεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ τοῦτό φασιν, ὡς ἀγνοοίη μὲν τὸν θεὸν ὃν Χριστιανοὶ σέβονται, εἰκὸς δὲ αὐτόν," εἴπερ ἰσχυρός ἐστιν, ὡς λέγεται, τίσασθαι μὲν τοὺς ὑβρίζοντας, ἀμῦναι δὲ τοῖς θεραπεύουσιν. οἱ μὲν οὖν κατάσκοποι ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἐλθόντες ἡσύχαζον, τὴν παρασκευὴν τῶν Βανδίλων θεώμενοι: ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ στράτευμα τὴν ἐπὶ Τρίπολιν ἤεσαν, σχήματα περιβεβλη- μένοι ταπεινὰ εἵποντο. οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι ὡς ἡμέρᾳ τῇ πρώτῃ ηὐλίσαντο, ἐς τῶν Χριστιανῶν τοὺς νεὼς τούς τε ἵππους τά τε ἄλλα ζῷα ἐσαγαγόντες, ὕβρεώς. τε οὐδεμιᾶς ἀπελείποντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀκο- λασίᾳ τῇ σφετέρᾳ ἐχρήσαντο, τούς τε ἱερέας, ods ἂν λάβοιεν, ἐρράπιζόν τε καὶ ξαίνοντες κατὰ τοῦ νώτου πολλὰς ὑπηρετεῖν σφίσιν ἐκέλευον ὅσα δὴ
1 στρατείαν Kuagrius : στρατιὰν MSS. 2 αὐτὸν MSS. : αὐτόν, φησίν Kuagrius. 8. ἡσύχαζον MSS, : ἐσχόλαζον Euagrius. 4 ἤεσαν Euagrius ; ἤει MSS.
η8
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. viii. 15-20
follows. First of all-he issued orders to his subjects to abstain from all injustice and from all foods tend- ing towards luxury and most of all from association with women; and setting up two palisaded en- closures, he encamped himself with all the men in one, and in the other he shut the women, and he threatened that death would be the penalty if any- one should go to the women’s palisade. And after this he sent spies to Carthage with the following instructions: whenever the Vandals in going forth on the expedition should offer insult to any temple which the Christians reverence, they were to look on and see what took place; and when the Vandals had passed the place, they were to do the opposite of everything which the Vandals had done to the sanctuary before their departure. And they say that he added this also, that he was ignorant of the God whom the Christians worshipped, but it was probable that if He was powerful, as He was said to be, He should wreak vengeance upon those who insulted Him and defend those who honoured Him. So the spies came to Carthage and waited quietly, observing the preparation of the Vandals ; but when the army set out on the march to Tripolis, they followed,-clothing themselves in humble garb. And the Vandals, upon making camp the first day, led their horses and their other animals into the temples of the Christians, and sparing no insult, they acted with all the unrestrained lawlessness natural to them, beating as many priests as they caught and lashing them with many blows over the back and commanding them to render such service to the Vandals as they were accustomed to assign to
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ἐπέχειν τῶν ᾿οἰκετῶν᾽ τοῖς ᾿ἀτιμοτάτοις εἰώθεσαν.
“καὶ ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἐνθένδὲ ἀπηλλάγησαν, ἐποί- ᾿οὺν οἱ τοῦ KaBaovos κατάσκοποι ὅσα, αὐτοῖς
ἐπετέτακτο" τά τε γὰρ ἱερὰ ἐκάθηραν αὐτίκα τήν « \ ΓΕ κόπρον καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο οὐχ ὁσίως ἐπέκειτο ξὺν
“ἐπιμελείᾳ πολλῇ ἀφελόμενοι, τά τε λύχνα Exav-
σαν ἅπαντα καὶ τοὺς ἱερέας αἰδοῖ .τε πολλῇ προσεκύνησαν καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ φιλοφροσύνῃ. ἧσπά. σαντο". ἀργύριά τε τοῖς πτωχοῖς" δόντες ot ἀμφὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ταῦτα ἐκάθηντο, οὕτω δὴ τῇ τῶν Βαν- δίλων. στρατιᾷ εἵποντο. καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ξύμπασαν οἵ τε Βανδίλοι κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἡμάρτανον καὶ οἱ κατάσκοποι ἐθεράπευον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἔσεσθαι ἔμελλον, προτερήσαντες οἱ κἀτάσκοποι ἀγγέλλουσι. τῷ Καβάωνι ὅσα Βαν-
᾿δίλοις TE. καὶ σφίσιν ἐς τὰ Χριστιανῶν ἱερὰ
εἴργαστο, καὶ ὡς ἐγγύς που οἱ πολέμιοι εἶεν. ὁ δὲ ἀκούσας ἐς τὴν ξυμβολὴν καθίστατο ὧδε. κύκλον
-:ἀπολαβὼν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ἔνθα δὴ τὸ χαράκωμα “ποιεῖσθαι ἔμελλε, τὰς καμήλους ἔρυμα τῷ στρα-
τοπέδῳ ἐγκαρσίας ἐν κύκλῳ καθίστη, κατὰ δώ-
δεκα dora καμήλους ποιησάμενος TO TOD , Fi lal a “μετώπου βάθος. παῖδας μὲν οὖν καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ εἴ τι αὐτοῖς ἀπόμαχον ἣν ὁμοῦ τοῖς χρήμασιν /
és) | WET ov ἐτίθετο, τὸν δὲ τῶν μαχίμων λεὼν ἐς τῶν ᾿ζῴων ἐκείνων TOUS πόδας ἐν. μέσῳ φραξα- μένους. ταῖς ἀσπίσιν ἐκέχευεν εἶναι. οὕτω δὲ Μαυρουσίοις ἐχούσης τῆς φάλαγγος οἱ Βανδίλοι ἐν ἀπόρῳ εἶχον θέσθαι τὸ παρόν' οὔτε γὰρ ἀκον-
τισταὶ οὔτε τοξόται ἀγαθοὶ ἧσαν οὔτε πεζοὶ ἐς
1 πτωχοῖς VO Euagrius : πολλοῖς P, ? εἶναι MSS. : ἰέναι Dindoré,
Ste)
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. viii. 20-27
tne most dishonoured»of. their domestics. And as soon as they had departed. from there, the spies of Cabaon. did. as they had been directed to, do; for they straightway cleansed the. sanctuaries and ‘took away with great care the filth and whatever other unholy thing lay in them, and they lighted all the lamps and bowed down before the priests with great reverence and saluted them with all friendliness ; and after giving pieces of silver to the poor who sat about these sanctuaries, they then followed after the army of the Vandals. And from then on along the whole route the Vandals continued to commit the same offences and the spies to render the same service. And when they were coming near the Moors, the spies anticipated them and reported to Cabaon what had been done by the Vandals and by themselves to the temples of the Christians, and that the enemy were somewhere near by. And Cabaon, upon learning this, arranged for the en- counter as follows. He marked off a circle in the plain where he was about to make his palisade, and placed his camels turned sideways in a circle as a protection for the camp, making his line fronting the enemy about twelve camels deep. Then he placed the children and the women and all those who were unfit for fighting together with their possessions in the middle, while he commanded the host. of fighting men_to stand between the feet of those animals, ὁ covering themselves with their shields.t And since the phalanx of the Moors was of such a sort, the Vandals were at a loss how to handle the situation ; for they were neither good with the javelin nor with the bow, nor did they know how to go into battle
1 Οἱ, Book IV. xi. 17 ff 81
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μάχην ἰέναι ἠπίσταντο, ἀλλ᾽ ὑἑππεῖς τε ἦσαν ἅπαντες, δόρασί τε ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ ξίφεσιν ἐχρῶντο, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἄποθέν τε οὐδὲν ἐργά- ἕεσθαι κακὸν τοὺς πολεμίους οἷοί τε ἦσαν, ἥ TE ἵππος αὐτοῖς͵ ἀχθομένη τῇ τῶν καμήλων ὄψει, ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἥκιστα ἤγετο. ἐπειδή τε συχνὰ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἀκοντίζοντες ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦ“ οἱ πολέμιοι τούς τε ἵππους καὶ αὐτούς, ἅτε πλῆθος ὄντας, οὐ χαλεπῶς ἔκτεινον, ἔφευγόν τε καὶ τῶν Μαυρουσίων ἐπεξιόντων οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ διεφθάρησαν, εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ καὶ ὑπὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐγένοντο, ὀλίγοι τε κομιδῆ ἐκ τοῦ στρατοῦ τούτου ἐπ᾽’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν. ταῦτα μὲν Τρασα- μούνδῳ παθεῖν πρὸς Μαυρουσίων ξυνέπεσεν. ἐτελεύτα δὲ χρόνῳ ὕστερον ἑπτά τε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἔτη Βανδίχλων ἄρξας.
ΙΧ
Ἰλδέριχος δὲ “Ονωρίχου τοῦ Γιζερίχου παῖς τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν, ὃς τὰ μὲν ἐς τοὺς ὑπη- κόους εὐπρόσοδός τε ἣν καὶ ὅλως 5. πρᾷος, καὶ οὔτε Χριστιανοῖς οὔτε τῳ ἄλλῳ χαλεπὸς ἐγεγόνει, τὰ δὲ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον μαλθακός τε λίαν καὶ οὐδὲ ἄχρι ἐς τὰ ὦτα τὸ πρᾶγμά οἱ τοῦτο ἐθέλων ἰέναι. ὋὉάμερ γοῦν ἀνεψιός τε ὧν αὐτῷ" καὶ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια ἐστρατήγει ἐφ᾽ οὺς ἂν στρα- τεύοιντο Βανδίλοι" ὃν δὴ καὶ ᾿Αχιλλέα Βανδίλων ἐκάλουν. ἐπὶ τούτου ᾿Ιλδερίχου ἡσσήθησάν τε μάχῃ οἱ Βανδίλοι πρὸς Μαυρουσίων τῶν ἐπ 1 πλῆθος ὄντας Haury: πλῆθος ὄντες V, πλήθους ὄντος PO 2 καὶ ὅλως Haury: καὶ ὅλος VP, ὅλος Ο. 3 αὐτῷ VP: αὐτοῦ QO,
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. viii. 27-ix. 2
on foot, but they were all horsemen, and used spears and swords for the most. part, so that they were unable to.do the enemy any harm at a distance; and their horses, annoyed at the sight of the camels, refused absolutely to be driven against the enemy. And since the Moors, by hurling javelins in great numbers among them from their safe position, kept killing both their horses and men without difficulty, because they were a vast throng, they began to flee, and, when the Moors came out against them, the most of them were destroyed, while some fell into the hands of the enemy; and an exceedingly small number from this army returned home. Such was the fortune which Trasamundus suffered at the hands of the Moors. And he died at a later time, having ruled over the Moors twenty-seven years.
IX
Anp Ilderic, the son of Honoric, the son of 523 2» Gizeric, next received the kingdom, a ruler who was easily approached by his subjects and altogether gentle, and he shewed himself harsh neither to the Christians nor to anyone else, but in regard to affairs of war he was-a weakling and did not wish this thing even to come to his ears. Hoamer, accord- ingly, his nephew and an able warrior, led the armies against any with whom the Vandals were at war; he it was whom they called the Achilles of the Vandals. During the reign of this Ilderic the Vandals were defeated in Byzacium by the Moors,
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:- ΡΕΘΟΟΡΙΠ 5 OF. CAESAREA ὁ
Βυζακίῳ, ὧν 7p) Kev ‘Aytanas,: καὶ σφίσι Eve ἠνέχθη Θευδερίχῳ τε καὶ Τότθοις ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ᾽ ἔκ Te συμμάχων. καὶ φίλων πολεμίοις γενέσθαι. τήν πε γὰρ ᾿Αμαλαφρίδαν ἐν “φυλακῇ ἔσχον καὶ τοὺς Γότθους διέφθειραν ἅ ἅπαντας, ἐπενεγκόντες αὐτοῖς νεωτερίζειν ἔς τε Βανδίλους καὶ Ἰλδέρι ov. τίσις μέντοι οὐδεμία πρὸς Θευδερίχου ἐγένετο, ἐπεὶ ἀδύνατος ἐ ἐνόμισεν εἶναι στόλῳ μεγάλῳ, ἐς Λιβύην στρατεῦσαι, ἸΙλδέριχος δὲ φίλος. ἐς τὰ “μάλιστα ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ Kav ξένος ἐγένετο, οὔπω μὲν ἥκοντι ἐς βασιλείαν, διοικουμένῳ δὲ αὐτὴν κατ᾽ , ἐξουσίαν, ἐπεί. οἱ ὁ θεῖος Ἰουστῖνος ὑπέργηρώς τε ὧν ἐβασίλευε καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν πραγ- μάτων οὐ παϊτελῶς ἔμπειρος. κων TE μισὰ λους ἀλλήλους ἐδωροῦντο.
Ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῷ Γιξερίχου γένει, Γελίμερ᾽ ὁ Γειλάριδος τοῦ Γένξωνος τοῦ Pileptxov πόρρω που ἡλικίας ἥκων μετά γε ᾿Ιλδέριχον, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐπίδοξος ὦ ὧν αὐτίκα μάλα ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν : ἀφίξεσθαι: ὃς τὰ μὲν πολέμια ἐδόκει τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἄριστος εἶναι, ἄχλως δὲ δεινός τε ἣν Kal κακοήθης καὶ πράγμασί τε νεωτέροις » καὶ χρή- μασιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι ἀλλοτρίοις ἐξεπιστάμενος. οὗτος ὁ Γελίμερ ἐπεί οἱ μέχλουσαν ἑώρα τὴν ἀρχήν, οὐκ ἐδύνατο ἐν τῷ καθεστῶτι τρόπῳ βιο- τεύειν, GANA τὰ βασιλέως ἔ εργα προσποιησάμενος ἐπεβάτευε τῆς τιμῆς, ἀώρου γε αὐτῷ οὔσης" καὶ ᾿Ιλδερίχου δι ἐπιείκειαν ἐνδιδόντος κατέχειν οὐκέτι, οἷός τε ἣν τὴν διάνοιαν, arra Βανδίλων ἑταιρισάμενος εἴ τι ἄριστον ἦν, ἀναπείθει ἀφελέ- σθαι μὲν ᾿Ιχδέρυχον τὴν βασιλείαν, ὡς ἀπόλεμόν
1 νεωτέροις PO: κωινοτέροις Υ.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ix. 3-8
who. were ruled by Antalas, and it so fell out that they: became enemies instead of allies and friends to Theoderic and the Goths in Italy. For they put. Amalafrida in prison and destroyed all the Goths, charging them with revolutionary designs against the Vandals and Ilderic. However, no revenge came from Theoderic, for he considered himself unable to gather a great fleet and make an expedition into Libya, and Ilderic was a very particular friend and guest-friend of Justinian, who had not yet come to the throne, but was administering the government aceording to his pleasure; for his uncle Justinus, who was emperor, was very old and not altogether experienced in matters of state. And Ilderic and Justinian made large presents of money to each other.
Now there was a certain man in the family of Gizeric, Gelimer, the son of Geilaris, the son of Genzon, the son of Gizeric, who was of such age as to be second only to Ilderic, and for this reason he was expected to come into the kingdom very soon. This man was thought to be the best warrior of his time, but for the rest he was a cunning fellow and base at heart and well versed in undertaking revo- lutionary enterprises and in laying hold upon the money of others. Now this Gelimer, when he saw the * power coming to him, was not able to live in his accustomed way, but assumed to himself the tasks of a king and usurped the rule, though it was not. yet due him; and since Ilderic in a spirit of friendliness gave in to him, he was no longer able to restrain his thoughts, but allying with himself all the noblest of the Vandals, he persuaded them to wrest the kingdom from Ilderic, as being an un-
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τε Kal ἡσσημένον πρὸς Μαυρουσίων, καὶ Ἴου- στίνῳ βασιλεῖ καταπροδιδόντα τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων κράτος, ὡς μὴ ἐς αὐτὸν ἐκ ,τῆς ἄλλης οἰκίας ὄντα ἡ βασιλεία ἥκοι" τοῦτο γάρ οἱ βούλεσθαι τὴν ἐς Βυξάντιον πρεσβείαν διέβαλλεν, αὐτῷ δὲ παραδι- δόναι τὸ Βανδίλων κράτος. οἱ δὲ ἀναπεισθέντες κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν. οὕτω δὴ Γελίμερ τῆς ἡγε- μονίας ἐπιλαβόμενος ᾿λδέριχόν τε, ἕβδομον ἔ ἔτος Βανδίλων “ἄρξαντα, καὶ ‘Odpepa καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Evaryeny ἐ ἐν φυλακῇ ἐ ἔσχεν.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ ταῦτα ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς ἤκουσεν, ἤδη τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβών, πρέσβεις ἐς Λιβύην ὡς * Dedipepa πέμψας ἔγραψε τάδε" “ Οὐχ ὅ ὅσια ποιεῖς οὐδὲ τῶν Ειξερίχου διαθηκῶν ἄξια, γέροντά τε καὶ ξυγγενῆ καὶ βασιλέα Βανδίλων, εἴ τι τῶν Γιξερίχῳ βεβουλευμένων ὄφελός ἐστιν, ἐν φυ- λακῇ ἔχων, καὶ βίᾳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρούμενος, ἐξὸν αὐτὴν ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον χρόνῳ κατὰ νόμον aa μήτε" οὖν ἐργάσῃ περαιτέρω κακὸν μήτε“ τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ ὀνόματος ἀνταλλάξη τὴν τὸν τυράννου προσηγορίαν, βραχεῖ προτερεύουσαν * χρόνῳ. Gra TOUTOV μέν, ἄνδρα ὅ ὅσον οὔπω τεθνη- ξόμενον, ἔ ξα φέρεσθαι τῷ “λόγῳ τὴν τῆς βασιλείας εἰκόνα, σὺ δὲ ἅπαντα πρᾶττε ὅσα βασιλέα πράτ- τειν εἰκός" προσδέχου τε ἀπὸ τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τοῦ Ριζξερίχου νόμου μόνον λαβεῖν. τὸ τοῦ πράγματος ὄνομα. ταῦτα γάρ σοι ποιοῦντι τά τε ἀπὸ τοῦ κρείττονος εὐμενῆ ἔσται καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν φίλια."
ὧς VO: πρὸς P. μήτε οὖν Haury: μὴ δὲ οὖν VP, μηδὲν οὖν O μήτε Haury: μὴ δὲ MSS.
4 προτερεύουσαν VP: προτερεύσας Ὁ.
1 2 8
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warlike king who had been defeated by the Moors, and as betraying the power of the Vandals into the hand of the Emperor Justinus, in order that the kingdom might not come to him, because he was of the other branch of the family; for he asserted slanderously that this was the meaning of IIderic’s embassy to Byzantium, and that he was giving over the empire of the Vandals to Justinus. And they, being persuaded, carried out this plan. Thus Geli- mer seized the supreme power, and imprisoned Ilderic, after he had ruled over the Vandals seven years, and also Hoamer and his brother Euagees.
But when Justinian heard these things, having already received the imperial power, he sent envoys to Gelimer in Libya with the following letter: “You are not acting in a holy manner nor worthily of the will of Gizeric, keeping in prison an old man and a kinsman and the king of the Vandals (if the counsels of Gizeric are to be of effect), and robbing him of his office by violence, though it would be possible for you to receive it after a short time in a lawful manner. Do you therefore do no further wrong and do not exchange the name of king for the title of tyrant, which comes but a short time earlier, But as for this man, whose death may be expected at any moment, allow him to bear in appearance the form of royal power, while you do all the things which it is proper that a king should do; and wait until you can receive from time and the law of Gizeric, and from them alone, the name which belongs to the position. For if you do this, the attitude of the Almighty will be favourable and at the same time our relations with you will be friendly.”
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Τοσαῦτα μὲν; ἡ γραφὴ ἐδήλου. Dedipep δὲ Tavs πρέσβεις a ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμψε, καὶ τόν τε Ὁά- βερα ἐξετύφλωσε τόν τε ἸΙλδέριχον καὶ Ἐὐαγέην͵ ἐν μείζονι φυλακῇ ἐποιήσατο, ἐπικαλέσας φυγὴν ἐς Βυζάντιον μελετᾶν. ὡς δὲ καὶ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς ἤκουσε, πρέσβεις ἑτέρους πέμψας ἔγραψε τάδε “Ἡμεῖς μὲν. οἰόμενοί σε οὔποτε τῆς ἡμετέρας συμβουλῆς a ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας ἥξειν ἐγράψα- μέν σοι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τὴν προτέραν. ἐπεὶ δὲ͵ ἀρέσκει σοι τὴν βασιλείαν οὕτω κεκτῆσθαι. ὡς. νῦν ἔχεις λαβών, ἀπόλαβε!ϊ ὅ τι ἂν ἐξ αὐτῆς ὁ δαίμων διδῷ. σὺ δὲ ᾿Ιλδέριχόν Te καὶ. ᾿Οάμερα᾽
; τὸν πηρὸν καὶ τούτου τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὡς ἡμῶς.
πέμπε, παραψυχὴν ἕξοντας ἣ ἣν ἔχειν εἰσὶ δυνατοὶ. ὅσοι τὴν βασιλείαν ἢ ἢ τὴν ὄψιν ἀφήρηνται». ὡς οὐκ. ἐπιτρέψομέν γε; ἢν μὴ ταῦτα ποιῇς. ἐνάγει γὰρ
ἡμᾶς ἡ ἐλπὶς ἣ ἣν εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν φιλίαν ἔσχον. αἵ τε σπονδαὶ ἡμῖν. αἱ πρὸς Pugépexov ἐκποδὼν στήσονται. τῷ γὰρ ἐκδεξαμένῳ τὴν ἐκείνου βασιλείαν ἐρχόμεθα οὐ πολεμήσοντες, ἀλλὰ τὰ δυνατὰ τιμωρήσοντες.᾽"
Ταῦτα Γελίμερ ἀναλεξάμενος ἡμείβετο τοῖσδε μὴ Βασιλεὺς Tedipep ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ. οὔτε βίᾳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔλαβον οὔτε τί μοι ἀνόσιον ἐς ξυγγενεῖς τοὺς ἐμοὺς εἴργασται. ᾿Ιλδέριχον γὰρ νεώτερα πράσσοντα és” οἶκον τὸν ν᾿ ἐξερίχου καθεῖλε τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων ἔθνος" ἐμὲ δὲ ὁ χρόνος ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκάλεσε, κατά γε τὸν νόμον τὰ πρεσβεῖα διδούς. τὴν δὲ ὑ ὑπάρχουσαν ἡγεμονίαν αὐτόν τινα διοικεῖσθωι καλὸν καὶ μὴ ἀλλοτρίας οἰκειοῦσθαι φροντίδας. ὥστε καὶ σοὶ βασιλείαν
1 ἀπόλαβε VP: ἀπόλανε Ο. 2 ἐς οἶκον PO: ἐπ᾽ οἴκον V. 88
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ix. 14-23
Such was his message. But Gelimer sent the envoys away with nothing accomplished, and he blinded Hoamer and also kept Ilderic and Euagees in closer confinement, charging them with planning flight to Byzantium. And when this too was heard by the Emperor Justinian, he sent envoys a second time and wrote as follows: “ We, indeed, supposed that you would never go contrary to our advice when we wrote you the former letter. But since it pleases you to have secured possession of the royal power in the manner in which you have taken and now hold it, get from it whatever Heaven grants. But do you send to us Ilderic, and Hoamer whom you have blinded, and his brother, to receive what comfort they can who have been robbed of a kingdom or of sight ; for we shall not let the matter rest if you do not do this. And I speak thus because we are led by the hope which I had based on our friendship. And the treaty with Gizeric will not stand as an obstacle for us. For it is not to make war upon him who has succeeded to the kingdom of Gizeric that we come, but to avenge Gizeric with all our power.”
When Gelimer had read this, he replied as follows: “ King Gelimer to the Emperor Justinian. Neither have I taken the office by violence nor has anything unholy been done by me to my kinsmen. For Ilderic, while planning a revolution against the house of Gizeric, was dethroned by the nation of the Vandals ; and I was called to the kingdom by my years, which gave me the preference, according to the law at least. Now it is well for one to ad- minister the kingly office which belongs to him and not to make the concerns of others his own. Hence
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ἔχοντι τὸ περιέργῳ εἶναι οὐ δίκαιον" λύοντι δέ σοι τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἰόντι ἀπαντήσομεν ὅση δύναμις, μαρτυρόμενοι τοὺς ὅρκους τοὺς Ζήνωνι ὀμωμοσμένους, οὗ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν ἔχεις. ταῦτα λαβὼν ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς τὰ γράμματα, ἔχων. καὶ πρότερον δι᾽ ὀργῆς Γελί- μερα, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐς τὴν τιμωρίαν ἐπῆρτο. καί οἱ ἔδοξε καταλύσαντι ὡς τάχιστα τὸν Μηδικὸν πόλεμον ἐς Λιβύην στρατεῦσαι, καί (ἣν γὰρ ἐπινοῆσαί τε ὀξὺς καὶ ἄοκνος τὰ βεβουλευμένα ἐπιτελέσαι) παρῆν μὲν αὐτῷ μετάπεμπτος ὁ τῆς ἑῴας στρατηγὺς Βελισάριος, οὐχ ὅτι ἐς Διβύην στρατηγήσειν μέλλοι τιρδειρημέναι αὐτῷ ἢ ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν, ἀλλὰ τῷ ᾿ λόγῳ παραλέλυτο ἧ ἧς εἶχεν ἀρχῆς. γεγόνασι δὲ αὐτίκα αἱ πρὸς Πέρσας σπονδαί, ὡς ἐν τοῖς ἔμπρροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη.
Χ
\ » Wee 3 ’ 3) 4 e Va ” Βασιλεὺς δὲ ᾿Ιουστινιανός, ἐπεί. of τά τε οἴκοι καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς Πέρσας ὡς ἄριστα εἶχε, τὰ ἐν
2 Λιβύῃ πράγματα ἐν βουχῇ ἐποιεῖτο. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐ ἐς
τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐξήνεγκεν ὡς στρατιὰν ἀγείροι ἐπὶ Βανδίλους τε καὶ Τελίμερα, οἱ πλεῖστοι ἤδη ἐδυ- σχέραινόν τε καὶ ἐν ξυμφορᾷ ἢ ἦσαν, τόν te Aéov- τος τοῦ βασιλέως στόλον καὶ τὸ τοῦ Βασιλίσκου πάθος ἀνανεούμενοί τε καὶ ἀποστοματίζοντες
| ἐποιεῖτο VP in marg. O: εἶχεν P in context,
go
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ix. 23-X. 2
for you also, who have a kingdom, meddling in other’s affairs is not just ; and if you break the treaty and come against us, we shall oppose you with all our power, calling to witness the oaths which were sworn by Zeno, from whom you have received the kingdom which you hold.” The Emperor Justinian, upon receiving this letter, having been angry with Gelimer even before then, was still more eager to punish him. And it seemed to him best to put an end to the Persian war as soon as possible and then to make an expedition to Libya; and since he was quick at forming a plan and prompt in carrying out his decisions, Belisarius, the General of the East, was summoned and came to him immediately, no an- nouncement having been made to him nor to anyone else that he was about to lead an army against Libya, but it was given out that he had been removed from the office which he held. And straightway the treaty with Persia was made, as has been told in the preceding narrative.
x
Awnp when the Emperor Justinian considered that the situation was.as favourable as possible, both as-to domestic affairs and as to his relations with Persia, he took under consideration the situation in Libya. But when he disclosed to the magistrates that he was gathering an army against the Vandals and Gelimer, the most of them began immediately to show hostility to the plan, and they lamented it as a misfortune, recalling the expedition of the Emperor Leon and the disaster of Basiliscus, and reciting how many soldiers
1 Book I. xxii. 16. QI
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στρατιώτας μὲν ὅσοι ἀπέθανον, χρήματα δὲ ὅ ὅσα τὸ δημόσιον ὦφλε. μάλιστα δὲ ᾿ ἤχγουν τε καὶ περιώδυνοι τῇ μερίμνῃ ἐγίνοντο ὅ τε τῆς αὐλῆς ἔταρχος,. ὃν δὴ πραίτωρα ® καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ ὁ τοῦ ταμιείου ἡγούμενος καὶ ὅτῳ ἄλλῳ φόρου Ξξυλλογὴ δημοσίου ἢ βασιλικοῦ ἐπετέ- τακτο, λογιζόμενοι ὅτι αὐτοῖς εἰς 8 τὴν τοῦ πολέμου χρείαν δεήσει ἄμετρα φέρουσιν οὔτε ξυγγνώμης τινὸς οὔτε ἀναβολῆς ἀξίοις εἶναι τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν αὐτὸς ἕκαστος στρατηγήσειν οἰόμενος κατωρρώδει τε καὶ ἀπώκνει τοῦ κινδύνου τὸ μέγεθος, εἴ οἱ ἀναγκαῖον εἴη διασωθέντι ἐκ τῶν ἐν θαλάσσῃ κακῶν στρατοπεδεύεσθαι μὲν ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ, ἐκ δὲ τῶν νεῶν ὁρμωμένῳ διαμάχεσθαι πρὸς βασιλείαν μεγάλην τε καὶ λόγου ἀξίαν. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἄρτι ἐκ πολέμου μακροῦ τε καὶ χαλεποῦ ἐπανήκοντες οὔπω τε ὅλῃ γλώσσῃ ἀγα- θῶν τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν γευσάμενοι ἐ ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ ἐγίνοντο ἔς τε ναυμαχίαν ἀγόμενοι, ἣν οὐδὲ ἀκοῇ πρότερον παραλαβόντες ἐ ἐτύγχανον, καὶ ἀπὸ TOD ἑῴων ὁρίων στελλόμενοι ἐς τὰς τοῦ ἡλίου δυσμάς, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ διακενδυγεύφαυσι πρός τε “Βανδίλους καὶ Μαυρουσίους. i δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι, ἅπερ ἐν ὁμίλῳ φιλεῖ γίγνεσθαι, vewrdpory πραγμάτων ἤθελον διὰ κινδύνων ἀλλοτρίων θεαταὶ γενέσθαι.
Βασιλεῖ μέντοι εἰπεῖν τι ἐπὶ κωλύμῃ τῆς στρατιᾶς οὐδείς, ὅ ὅτι μὴ ὁ Καππαδόκης ᾿Ιωάννης, ἐτόλμησεν, ὁ τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος, θρασύτατός τε
1 ἔπαρχος VO: ὕπαρχος P. 2 mpalrwpa VP: πραιτωρίων O; Haury would prefer τῶν πραιτορίων.
8 εἰς added by Maltretus. 92
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. x. 2-7
had perished and how much money the state had lost. But the men who were the most sorrowful of all, and who, by reason of their anxiety, felt the keenest regret, were the pretorian prefect, whom the Romans call “ praetor,” and the administrator of the treasury, and all to whom had been assigned the collection of either public or imperial! taxes, for they reasoned that while it would be necessary for them to produce countless sums for the needs of the war, they would be granted neither pardon in case of failure nor extension of time in which to raise these sums. And every one of the generals, supposing that he himself would command the army, was in terror and dread at the greatness of the danger, if it should be necessary for him, if he were preserved from the perils of the sea, to encamp ‘in the enemy’s land, and, using his ships as a base, to engage in a struggle against a kingdom both large and formidable. The soldiers, also, having recently returned from a long, hard war, and having not yet tasted to the full the blessings of home, were in despair, both because they were being led into sea- fighting,—a thing which they had not learned even from tradition before then,—and because they were sent from the eastern frontier to the West, in order to risk their lives against. Vandals and Moors. But all the rest, as usually happens in a great throng, wished to be spectators of new adventures while others faced the dangers.
But as for saying anything to the emperor to prevent the expedition, no one dared to do this except John the Cappadocian, the pretorian prefect,
1 The ‘‘imperial” taxes were for the emperor’s privy purse, the fiscus.
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ὧν καὶ δεινότατος τῶν κατ᾿ αὐτὸν ἁπάντων. οὗτος γὰρ ᾿Ιωάννης, τῶν ἄλλων σιωπῇ τὰς παρούσας ὀδυρομένων τύχας, παρελθὼν ἐς βασι- λέα ἔλεξε τοιάδε' aS To πιστόν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τῆς ἐς τοὺς ὑπηκόους τοὺς σοὺς ὁμιλίας τὴν παρ- pyotav ἡμῖν ἀναπετάννυσιν * ὅ τι ἂν μέλλοι τῇ πολιτείᾳ τῇ σῇ ξυνοίσειν, ἢ ἢν καὶ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονήν σοι τὰ λεγόμενά. τε καὶ πρασσόμενα ἧ. οὕτω γάρ σοι κεράννυσι, τῷ δικαίῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἡ σύνεσις, ὥστε οὐ τὸν ὑπηρετήσαντα πάντως εὔνουν εἶναι ἡγῇ τοῖς σαυτοῦ πράγμασιν, οὐδὲ τῷ ἀντειπόντι χαλεπῶς ἔχεις, ἀλλὰ μόνῳ τῷ τῆς διανοίας ἀκραιφνεῖ πάντα σταθμώμενος. ἀκίνδυνον ἡμῖν ἀπέδειξας πολλάκις τὸ τοῖς σοῖς ἀντιστῆναι βου- λεύμασι. τούτοις ἠγμένος, ὦ βασιλεῦ, κατέστην. εἰς ξυμβουλὴν τήνδε, προσκρούσων μὲν τὸ παραυτίκα ἴσως, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, ἐς δὲ τὸ μέλλον τὴν εὔνοιαν τὴν ἐμὴν καταφανῆ δείξων, ταύτης τέσε μάρτυρα παρεξόμενος. ἢν γὰρ ἀπειθῶν τοῖς λεγομένοις ἐξοίσεις ἐς Βανδίλους τὸν πόλεμον, μηκυνομένης σοι τῆς ἀγωνίας τὴν ἐμὴν παραίνεσιν εὐδοκιμῆσαι ξυμβήσεται. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ὡς κρατήσεις τῶν πολε- μίων τὸ θαρρεῖν ἔχεις, οὐδὲν ἀπεικός σε τά τε σώ- ματα προΐεσθαι καὶ χρημάτων δαπανᾶν πλῆθος, καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀγώνων ὑφίστασθαι πόνους: νίκη γὰρ ἐπιγενομένη πάντα “καλύπτει τὰ τοῦ πολέμου πάθη. εἰ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ γούνασι κεῖται, παραδείγμασι δὲ τῶν προγεγε- νημένων χρωμένους ἡμᾶς ἀνάγκη δεδιέναι τὸ τοῦ
14 απετάννυσιν VO: ἀναπετάννυσι ποιεῖν τε καὶ λέγειν Ῥ, 2
xn V: τύχοι PO,
V , τυ
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a man of the greatest daring and the cleverest of all men of his time. For this John, while all the others were bewailing in silence the fcrtune which was upon them, came before the emperor and spoke as follows: “O Emperor, the good faith which thou dost shew in dealing with thy subjects enables us to speak frankly regarding anything which will be of advantage to thy government, even though what is said and done may not be agreeable to thee. For thus does thy wisdom temper thy authority with justice, in that thou dost not consider that man only as loyal to thy cause who serves thee under any and all conditions, nor art thou angry with the man who speaks against thee, but by weighing all things by pure reason alone, thou hast often shewn that it involves us in no danger to oppose thy purposes. Led by these considerations, O Emperor, I have come to offer this advice, knowing that, though J shall give perhaps offence at the moment, if it so chance, yet in the future the loyalty which I bear you will be made clear, and that for this I shall be able to shew thee as a witness. For if, through not hearkening to my words, thou shalt carry out the war against the Vandals, it will come about, if the struggle is prolonged for thee, that my advice will win renown. For if thou hast confidence that thou wilt conquer the enemy, it is not at all unreason- able that thou shouldst sacrifice the lives of men and expend a vast amount of treasure, and undergo the difficulties of the struggle ; for victory, coming at the end, covers up all the calamities of war. But if in reality these things lie on the knees of God, and if it behoves us, taking example from what has hap- pened in the past, to fear the outcome of war, on
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fol fal a > n πολέμου πέρας, πῶς οὐχὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι κιν- δύνων τὸ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἀγαπᾶν ἄμεινον; ἐπὶ Kap-
a ᾿ a ἊΝ Ν \ χηδόνα διανοῇ στρατεύειν, εἰς ἣν κατὰ μὲν τὴν X\ ἤπειρον ἰόντι ὁδὸς τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἡμερῶν ἐστι, πλέοντι δὲ ἀνάγκη τὸ πέλαγος ὅλον Ν fol ἀμειψαμένῳ πρὸς τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς θαλάσσης a a a ΄ ἐλθεῖν. ὥστε τῶν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ξυμβησο- μένων ἐνιαύσιόν σοὶ δεήσει τὸν ἄγγελον ἥκειν. προσθείη δὲ ἄν τις ὡς, ἢν μὲν κρατήσῃς τῶν πολε- a τς a piov, Λιβύης μεταποιεῖσθαι οὐκ ἂν δύναιο, τῆς τε / Sd la ie bot ἘΓΥ ἐν x je Σικελίας καὶ ᾿Ιταλίας ὑφ᾽ ἑτέροις κειμένης" ἢν δέ \ Vd be a he AD) TL καὶ πταίσῃς, ὦ βασιλεῦ, λελυμένων ἤδη σοι n n i TOV σπονδῶν, εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν τὸν κίνδυνον ἄξεις: ξυνελόντι τε εἰπεῖν οὔτε ἀπόνασθαι παρ- έσται σοι τῆς νίκης καὶ τὸ τῆς τύχης ἐναντίωμα λυμανεῖται τοῖς εὖ καθεστῶσι. πρὸ τῶν πραγ- a la ° μάτων τὸ THs εὐβουλίας ὄφελός ἐστι. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐπταικόσι τὸ μεταμελεῖσθαι ἀνόνητον, πρὸ a n XN δὲ τῶν δεινῶν TO μεταμανθάνειν ἀκίνδυνον. οὐκ- fo) \ a a οὖν ξυνοίσει πάντων μάλιστα TO τοῖς καιροῖς ἐν δέοντι χρῆσθαι." 3 ΄ \ a 3 2 ΄ Ν Ἰωάννης μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. ἀποδεξάμενος δὲ βασιλεὺς τὴν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον προθυμίαν κατέ- lal A ἃ παυσε. τῶν δέ τις ἱερέων ods δὴ ἐπισκόπους καλοῦσιν, ἐκ τῆς ἑῴας ἥκων ἔφη ἐς λόγους τῷ an 2 al ’ὔ’ Χ > a 3 lol βασιλεῖ ἐλθεῖν βούλεσθαι. καὶ ἐπειδὴ αὐτῷ ’ 5 / e \ \ > 2 » ξυνέμιξεν, ἔλεγέν οἱ τὸν θεὸν ἐπισκῆψαι ὄναρ γενέσθαι τε ὡς βασιλέα καὶ αὐτὸν αἰτιάσασθαι Ψ \ A \ > 4 Re > ὅτι δὴ Χριστιανοὺς τοὺς ἐν Λιβύῃ ῥύεσθαι ἐκ τυράννων ὑποδεξάμενος εἶτα λόγῳ οὐδενὶ κατωρ- γὃ “«Κ δ, > [oe bee ςς € an ρώδησε" αἴτοι αὐτός," ἔφη, “οἱ πολεμοῦντι 1 ἀνόνητον PO: ἀνόητον V. 96
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. x. 13-20
what grounds is it not better to love a state of quiet rather than the dangers of mortal strife? Thou art purposing to make an expedition against Carthage, to which, if one goes by land, the journey is one of a hundred and forty days, and if one goes by water, he is forced to cross the whole open sea and go to its very end. So that he who brings thee news of what will happen in the camp must needs reach thee a year after the event. And one might add that if thou art victorious over thy enemy, thou couldst not take possession of Libya while Sicily and Italy lie in the hands of others; and at the same time, if any reverse befall thee, O Emperor, the treaty having already been broken by thee, thou wilt bring the danger upon our own land. In fact, putting all in a word, it will not be possible for thee to reap the fruits of victory, and at the same time any reversal of fortune will bring harm to what is well established. It is before an enterprise that wise planning is useful. For when men have failed, repentance is of no avail, but before disaster comes there is no danger in altering plans. Therefore it will be of advantage above all else to make fitting use of the decisive moment.”
Thus spoke John; and the Emperor Justinian, hearkening to his words, checked his eager desire for the war. But one of the priests whom they call bishops, who had come from the East, said that he wished to have a word with the emperor. And when he met Justinian, he said that God had visited him in a dream, and bidden him go to the emperor and rebuke him, because, after under- taking the task of protecting the Christians in Libya from tyrants, he had for no good reason become afraid. “And yet,’ He had said, “I will
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ξυλλήψομαι Λιβύης τε κύριον θήσομαι." ταῦτα βασιλεὺς ἐπεὶ ἤκουσε, κατέχειν τὴν διάνοιαν οὐκέτι ἐδύνατο, ἀλλὰ τήν τε στρατιὰν Kal τὰς ναῦς ἤγειρεν, ὅπλα τε καὶ σιτία ἡτοίμαζε καὶ Βελισαρίῳ ἐν παρασκευῇ ἐπήγγελχλεν εἶναι ὡς ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατηγήσοντι αὐτίκα μάλα. Τρίπολιν δὲ τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ τῶν τις ἐπιχωρίων ἸΠουδέντιος ἀπὸ Βανδίλων ἀπέστησε, πέμψας τε ὡς βασιλέα ἐδεῖτό οἱ στρατιὰν στεῖλαι: πόνῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν χώραν οὐδενὶ προσποιήσειν. ὁ δέ οἱ ἄρχοντά τε Ταττιμοὺθ καὶ στράτευμα οὐ πολὺ ἔστειλεν. ὃ δὴ ἑταιρισάμενος ἸΤουδέντιος Βανδίλων οὐ παρόν- των τήν τε χώραν ἔσχε καὶ βασιλεῖ προσεποίησε:. τῷ δὲ Γελίμερι τιμωρεῖν βουλομένῳ ἸΠουδέντιον ἐναντίωμα ξυνέπεσε τόδε.
Γώδας τις ἣν ἐν τοῖς Γελίμερος δούλοις, ΤΠότθος τὸ γένος, θυμοειδὴς μὲν καὶ δραστήριος καὶ πρὸς ἰσχὺν ἱκανῶς πεφυκώς, εὐνοϊκῶς δὲ δοκῶν és? τὰ τοῦ δεσπότου πράγματα ἔχειν. τούτῳ τῷ Τώδᾳ ὁ Τελίμερ Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον ἐπέτρεψε, φυλακῆς τε ἕνεκα καὶ φόρον τὸν ἐπέτειον ἀποφέρειν. ὁ δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης εὐημερίαν οὔτε καταπέψαι οὔτε τῇ ψυχῇ φέρειν οἷός τε ὧν τυραννίδι ἐπε- χείρησε, καὶ οὐδὲ τὴν τοῦ φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἀπο- φέρειν ἔτι ἠξίου, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν νῆσον. αὐτὸς Βανδίλων ἀποστήσας εἶχε. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἤσθετο βασιλέα ᾿Ιουστινιανὸν πολεμησείοντα ἐπί τε Λιβύην καὶ Teripepa, ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτὸν τάδε"
1 ἐν λιβύη Vi: ἐς λιβύην PO. 2 ἐς VP: πρὸς Ο. 98
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. x. 20-28
Myself join with him in waging war and make him lord of Libya.” When the emperor heard this, he was no longer able to restrain his purpose, and he began to collect the army and the ships, and to make ready supplies of weapons and of food, and he announced to Belisarius that he should be in readiness, because he was very soon to act as general in Libya. Meanwhile Pudentius, one of the natives of Tripolis in Libya, caused this district to revolt from the Vandals, and sending to the emperor he begged that he should despatch an army to him; for, he said, he would with no trouble win the land for the emperor. And Justinian sent him Tattimuth and an army of no very great size. This force Pudentius joined with his own troops and, the Vandals being absent, he gained possession of the land and made it subject to the emperor. And Gelimer, though wishing to inflict punishment upon Pudentius, found the following obstacle in his way.
There was a certain Godas among the slaves of Gelimer, a Goth by birth, a passionate and energetic fellow possessed of great bodily strength, but ap- pearing to be well-disposed to the cause of his master. To this Godas Gelimer entrusted the island of Sardinia, in order both to guard the island and to pay over the annual tribute. But he neither could digest the prosperity brought by fortune τ nor had he the spirit to endure it, and so he under- took to establish a tyranny, and he refused to continue the payment of the tribute, and actually detached the island from the Vandals and held it himself. And when he perceived that the Emperor Justinian was eager to make war against Libya and Gelimer, he wrote to him as follows:
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ΝΜ X “Οὔτε ἀγνωμοσύνῃ εἴκων οὔτε TL ἄχαρι πρὸς na na bo δεσπότου παθὼν τοῦ ἐμοῦ εἰς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον, Ἂς “ ἀλλὰ τἀνδρὸς ἰδὼν τὴν ὠμότητα ἰσχυρὰν οἵαν εἴς oe a > τε τὸ ξυγγενὲς καὶ ὑπήκοον μετέχειν τῆς ἀπᾶν- v θρωπίας οὐκ ἂν δόξαιμι ἑκών ye εἶναι. ἄμεινον a a N yap βασιλεῖ δικαίῳ ὑπηρετεῖν ἢ τυράννῳ τὰ οὐκ Ψ 3 I 5 Phe. Ν ΄ ἐννομα ἐπαγγέλλοντι. ἀλλ ὅπως μὲν συλλήηψη μοι ταῦτα σπουδάζοντι, ὅπως δὲ στρατιώτας πέμποις ὥστε με ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἱκανῶς ἔχειν."
Ταύτην βασιλεὺς ἄσμενος λαβὼν τὴν ἐπιστο- Ἂν, > , \ mo” \ ’ λὴν Evroyov πρεσβευτὴν ἔπεμψε καὶ γράμ- ματα ἔγραψεν, ἐπαινῶν τὸν Τώδαν τῆς τε υνέσεως καὶ τῆς ἐς τὴν δικαιοσύνην προθυμίας, ξυμμαχίαν τε ἐπαγγελλόμενος καὶ στρατιώτας καὶ στρατηγόν, ὃς αὐτῷ ξυμφυλάξαι τε τὴν νῆσον οἷός τε εἴη καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ξυλλήψεσθαι, ὥστε αὐτῷ δύσκολον μηδὲν πρὸς Βανδίλων ξυμβῆναι.
E ὖλ, f δὲ δὰ f 3 Σ ὃ Ν Ὁ Τ' ὁδὃ ὕλογιος δὲ ἀφικόμενος εἰς Σαρδὼ εὕρισκε Γώδαν ὄνομά τε καὶ σχῆμα βασιλέως περιβαλλόμενον καὶ δορυφόρους προσποιησάμενον. ὃς ἐπειδὴ τὴν αἀσιίλέως ἐπιστολὴν ἀνελέξατο, στρατιώτας μὲν ” ? , 2 a) ἐς 3 Ν ἔφη ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐλθεῖν βουλομένῳ εἶναι, ἄρ- χοντος δὲ οὐ πάνυ χρήζειν. κατὰ ταῦτά τε πρὸς le βασιλέα γράψας τὸν EiAoytov ἀπεπέμψατο.
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Ταῦτα βασιλεὺς οὔπω πεπυσμένος τετρακο- σίους τε στρατιώτας καὶ ἄρχοντα Κύριλλον ὡς \ a 4 » € BA τὴν νῆσον ξυμφυλάξοντας Tada ἡτοίμαζεν. ἤδη
too
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. x. 29--χὶ. 2
“It was neither because I yielded to folly nor because I had suffered anything unpleasant. at my master’s hands that I turned my thoughts towards rebellion, but seeing the extreme cruelty of the man both toward his kinsmen and toward his subjects, I could not, willingly at least, be re- puted to have a share in his inhumanity. For it is better to serve a just king than a tyrant whose commands are unlawful. But do thou join with me to assist in this my effort aud send soldiers so that I may be able to ward off my assailants.”
And the emperor, on receiving this letter, was pleased, and he sent Eulogius as envoy and wrote a letter praising Godas for his wisdom and his zeal for justice, and he promised an alliance and_ soldiers and a_ general, who would be able to guard the island with him and to assist him in every other way, so that no trouble should come to him from the Vandals. But Eulogius, upon coming to Sar- dinia, found that Godas was assuming the name and wearing the dress of a king and that he had attached a body-guard to his person. And when _Godas read the emperor's letter, he said that it was his wish to have soldiers, indeed, come to fight along with him, but as for a commander, he had absolutely no desire for one. And having written to the emperor in this sense, he dismissed Eulogius.
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Tur emperor, meanwhile, not having yet as- certained these things, was preparing four hundred soldiers with Cyril as commander, who were to assist Godas in guarding the island. And with
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
\ ge 2 a \ 5) 60 iA 3 δὲ ξὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ἐς Καρχηδόνα στρατείαν ἐν A \ \ ’ Ξ παρασκευῇ εἶχε, πεζοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας μυρίους, Ἃ a ἱππέας δὲ πεντακισχιλίους, ἔκ τε στρατιωτῶν \ A καὶ φοιδεράτων συνειλεγμένους. ἐν δὲ δὴ φοιδε- ράτοις πρότερον μὲν μόνοι βάρβαροι κατελέ- γοντο, ὅσοι οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ δοῦλοι εἶναι, ἅτε μὴ Ν ¢€ , ς Ἑ Id > coe ine Beet a ἢ \ πρὸς Ρωμαίων ἡσσημένοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ € , 3 \ ἢ la 2. igh 0 ὁ" (ὃ A: ὁμοίᾳ ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν adix oT φοί Epa γὰρ τᾶς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους σπονδὰς καλοῦσι Ῥω- ° \ A a Hato: τὸ δὲ νῦν ἅπασι τοῦ ὀνόματος τούτου ἐπιβατεύειν οὐκ ἐν κωλύμῃ ἐστί, τοῦ χρόνου 3 fo) Tas προσηγορίας ἐφ᾽ ὧν τέθεινται ἥκιστα ἀξιοῦν- nm Xe nr τὸς τηρεῖν, ἀλλὰ TOV πραγμάτων ἀεὶ περιφερο- a , a μένων, ἣ ταῦτα ἄγειν ἐθέλουσιν ἄνθρωποι, τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοῖς ὠνομασμένων 1 ὀλιγωροῦντες. BA \ = is A μῷ ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν φοιδεράτων μὲν Δωρόθεός τε, fal 3 ΄ ὁ τῶν ἐν ᾿Αρμενίοις καταλόγων στρατηγός, καὶ Σολόμων, ὃς τὴν Βελισαρίου ἐπετρόπευε στρατη- γίαν" (δομέστικον τοῦτον καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. ὁ δὲ 4 Rr > A \ = > 3 € Σολόμων οὗτος εὐνοῦχος μὲν ἦν, οὐκ ἐξ 3, a \ by , X\ 2 a Sr δ᾽ ἐπιβουλῆς δὲ ἀνθρώπου τὰ αἰδοῖα ἐτύγχανεν i n ΄ ἀποτμηθείς, ἀλλά τις αὐτῷ τύχη ἐν σπαργάνοις ὄντι τοῦτο ἐβράβευσε:) καὶ Κυπριανὸς καὶ Βαλε- SN a ΄ ριανὸς καὶ Μαρτῖνος καὶ ᾿Αλθίας καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης καὶ Μάρκελλος καὶ Κύριλλος, οὗ πρόσθεν ἐμνή- σθην: στρατιωτῶν δὲ ἱππέων μὲν Ῥουφῖνός τε \ 9 “ ΄ ᾽ lol , Ἂν ” N καὶ “Aiyav, ἐκ τῆς Βελισαρίου οἰκίας ὄντες, καὶ lal \ lal Βαρβᾶτος καὶ ἸΠάππος, πεζῶν δὲ Θεόδωρος,
1 ὠνομασμένων QO: ὀμωμοσμένων V, ὀνομασμένων Ῥ,
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xi. 2-7
them he also had in readiness the expedition against Carthage, ten thousand foot-soldiers, and five thousand horsemen, gathered from the regular troops and from the “ foederati.’”” Now at an earlier time only barbarians were enlisted among the foederati, those, namely, who had come into the Roman _ political system, not in the condition of slaves, since they had not been conquered by the Romans, but on the basis of complete equality.1 For the Romans call treaties with their enemies “ foedera.”’ But at the present time there is nothing to prevent anyone from assuming this name, since time will by no means consent to keep names attached to the things to which they were formerly applied, but condi- tions are ever changing about according to the desire of men who contro] them, and men pay little heed to the meaning which they originally attached to a name. And the commanders of the foederati were Dorotheus, the general of the troops in Ar- menia, and Solomon, who was acting as manager for the general Belisarius ; (such a person the Romans call “domesticus.’”’ Now this Solomon was a eunuch, but it was not by the devising of man that he had suffered mutilation, but some accident which befell him while in swaddling clothes had imposed this lot upon him); and there were also Cyprian, Valerian, Martinus, Althias, John, Marcellus, and the Cyril whom I have mentioned above; and the commanders of the regular cavalry were Rufinus and Aigan, who were of the house of Belisarius, and Barbatus and Pappus, while the regular infantry
1 These foederati were private bands of troops under the
leadership of condottiere; these had the title of ‘‘count” and received from the state an allowance for the support of their
bands. 103
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ὅνπερ Κτεάνον ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν, καὶ Tepév- τιός τε καὶ Ζάϊδος καὶ Μαρκιανὸς καὶ Σάρατπις. ᾽ ΄, L 2 ? ΄ ς t ἃ Ἰωάννης δέ τις ἐξ ᾿Επιδάμνου ὁρμώμενος, ἣ νῦν Δυρράχιον καλεῖται, τοῖς τῶν πεζῶν ἡγεμό- σιν ἅπασιν ἐφειστήκει. τούτων ἁπάντων Σολό- μων μὲν ἑῷος ἐτύγχανεν ὧν ἐκ τῆς “Ῥωμαίων ἐσχατιᾶς αὐτῆς, οὗ νῦν πόλις οἰκεῖται Δάρας, ᾿Αἰγὰν δὲ ἦν Μασσαγέτης γένος, ods νῦν Οὔν- νους καλοῦσιν" οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Θράκης χωρία ὥκουν. εἵποντο δὲ αὐτοῖς "Βρουλοι τετρακόσιοι, ὧν Papas ἦρχε, καὶ ξύμμαχοι βάρβαροι ἑξακόσιοι μάλιστα ἐκ τοῦ Μασσαγετῶν ἔθνους, ἱπποτοξόται πάντες: ὧν δὴ ἡγοῦντο Σιννίων τε καὶ Βάλας, ἀνδρίας τε καὶ καρτερίας ἐς ἄκρον ἥκοντε. ναῦς δὲ οὐ σύμπασα στρατιὰ πεντακοσίας ἦγε, καὶ αὐτῶν οὐδεμία πλέον ἢ κατὰ μυριάδας πέντε μεδίμνων φέρειν οἵα τε ἣν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἔλασσον ἢ κατὰ τρισχιλίους. ναῦται δὲϊ τρισμύριοι" ἐπέπλεον ἁπάσαις, Αἰγύπτιοί τε καὶ Ἴωνες οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ Κίλικες, ἀρχηγός τε εἷς ἐπὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἁπάσαις Καλώνυμος ᾿Αλεξανδρεὺς ἀπεδέδεικτο. ἦσαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ πλοῖα μακρά, ὡς ἐς ναυ- μαχίαν παρεσκευασμένα, ἐνενήκοντα δύο, μονήρη μέντοι καὶ ὀροφὰς ὕπερθεν ἔχοντα, ὅπως οἱ ταῦτα ἐρέσσοντες πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἥκιστα βάλλοιντο. δρόμωνας καλοῦσι τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα οἱ νῦν ἄνθρωποι πλεῖν γὰρ κατὰ τάχος δύνανται μάλιστα. ἐν τούτοις δὴ Βυζάντιοι δισχίλιοι
1 δὲ ΡΟ: γὰρ V. 5 τρισμύριοι VO. Theophanes : δυσμύριοι P.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xi. 7-16
was commanded by Theodorus, who was surnamed Cteanus, and Terentius, Zaidus, Marcian, and Sarapis. And a certain John, a native of Epidamnus, which is now called Dyrrachium, held supreme command over all the leaders of infantry. Among all these commanders Solomon was from a place in the East, at the very extremity of the Roman domain, where the city called Daras now stands, and Aigan was by birth of the Massagetae whom they now call Huns; and the rest were almost all inhabitants of the land of Thrace. And there followed with them also four hundred Eruli, whom Pharas led, and about six hundred barbarian allies from the nation of the Massagetae, all mounted bowmen; these were led by Sinnion and Balas, men endowed with bravery and endurance in the highest degree. And for the whole force five hundred ships were required, no one of which was able to carry more than fifty thousand medimni,! nor any one less than three thousand. And in all the vessels together there were thirty thousand sailors, Egyptians and Ionians for the most part, and Cilicians, and. one commander was appointed over all the ships, Calonymus of Alexandria. And they had also ships of war prepared as for sea-fighting, to the number of ninety-two, and they were single-banked ships covered by decks, in order that the men rowing them might if possible not be exposed to the bolts of the enemy. Such boats are called “ dromones”’ ? by those of the present time; for they are able to attain a great speed. In these sailed two thousand men of Byzantium, who were all rowers as well as
1 The medimnus equalled about one and a half bushels, 24.¢e. ““younners, 105
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ἔπλεον, αὐτερέται πάντες" περίνεως yap ἣν ἐν τούτοις οὐδείς. ἐστέλλετο δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρχέλαος, ἀνὴρ ἐς πατρικίους τελῶν, ἤδη μὲν τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος ' ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ ᾿Ιλλυριοῖς γεγονώς, τότε δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καταστὰς ἔπαρχος" οὕτω γὰρ ὁ τῆς δαπάνης χορηγὸς ὀνομάζεται. στρατηγὸν δὲ αὐτοκράτορα ἐφ᾽ ἅπασι Βελισάριον βασιλεὺς ἔστελλεν, ὃς τῶν éEdwv αὖθις κατα- λόγων ἦρχε. καὶ αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μὲν δορυφόροι, πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπασπισταὶ εἵποντο, ἄνδρες τε ἀγαθοὶ τὰ πολέμια καὶ τῶν περὶ ταῦτα κινδύνων ἀτεχ- vos? ἔμπειροι. ypaupatd τε αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς ἔγραφε, δρᾶν ἕκαστα ὅπη ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ ἄριστα ἔχειν, ταῦτά τε κύρια εἶναι ἅτε αὐτοῦ βασιλέως αὐτὰ διαπεπραγμένου. βασιλέως γὰρ αὐτῷ ῥοπὴν τὰ γράμματα ἐποίει. ὥρμητο δὲ ὁ Βελι- σάριος ἐκ Γερμανίας, ἣ Θρᾳκῶν τε καὶ Ἰλλυ- ριῶν μεταξὺ κεῖται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐγίνετο τῇδε.
Γελίμερ δὲ Τριπόλεώς τε πρὸς Πουδεντίου καὶ
αρδοῦς πρὸς Τώδα ἐστερημένος, Τρίπολιν μὲν ἀνασώσασθαι μόλις ἤλπισεν, ἀπωτέρω τε wKN- μένην ὅ καὶ Ρωμαίων ἤδη τοῖς ἀποστᾶσι ξυλλαμ- βανόντων, ἐφ᾽ ods δὴ μὴ αὐτίκα στρατεύειν ἔδοξέν οἱ ἄριστα ἔχειν: ἐς δὲ τὴν νῆσον προ- τερῆσαι ἠπείγετο, πρὶν ἢ καὶ ἐς ταύτην Evp- μαχίαν ἐκ βασιλέως ἥκειν. ἀπολέξας οὖν Βανδί- λων χιλιάδας πέντε καὶ ναῦς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν τὰς ἄριστα πλεούσας στρατηγόν τε ἀποδείξας
1 ἔπαρχος V: ὕπαρχος PO. 2 ἀτεχνῶς VP: παντελῶς Ο. 5 ὠκημένην VO: ὡς κειμένην P.
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HISTORY OF THE: WARS, III. xi. 16-23
fighting men; for there was not a single superfluous man among them. And Archelaus was also sent, a man of patrician standing who had already been pretorian prefect both in Byzantium and in Ilyri- cum, but he then held the position of prefect of the army ; for thus the officer charged with the main- tenance of the army is designated. But as general with supreme authority over all the emperor sent Belisarius, who was in command of the troops of the East for the second time. And he was followed by many spearmen and many guards as well, men who were capable warriors and thoroughly ex- perienced in the dangers of fighting. And the emperor gave him written instructions, bidding him do everything as seemed best to him, and stating that his acts would be final, as if the emperor himself had done them. The writing, in fact, gave him the power of a king. Now Belisarius was a native of Germania, which lies between Thrace and Nlyricum. These things, then, took place in this way.
Gelimer, however, being deprived of Tripolis by Pudentius and of Sardinia by Godas, scarcely hoped to regain Tripolis, since it was situated at a great distance and the rebels were already being assisted by the Romans, against whom just at that moment it seemed to him best not to take the field ; but he was eager to get to the island before any army sent by the em- peror to fight for his enemies should arrive there. He accordingly selected five thousand of the Vandals and one hundred and twenty ships of the fastest kind, and appointing as general his brother Tzazon, he
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Τζάξωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔστελλε. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ Γώδαν τε καὶ Σαρδὼ θυμῷ τε πολλῷ καὶ σπουδῇ χρώμενοι ἔπλεον, βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς Βα- λεριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον προτέρους ἔστελλεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ προσδέξονται τὴν ἄχλην στῥατιᾶν. ἐς τὰ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ χωρία. καὶ ἐπειδὴ 1 ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἄμφω ἐγενέσθην, ἐνθύμιον βασιλεῖ ἐγένετο ἐντέχλεσθαί τι αὐτοῖν" ὃ καὶ πρότερον ἐθέλοντα λέγειν ἀσχολία τις λόγων ἑτέρων τὴν διάνοιαν περιλαβοῦσα ἐξέκρουσε. μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν αὐτὼ λέγειν ἔμελλεν ἃ ἐβούλετο, ὀλλά, ξυμ- βαλὼν εὕρισκεν ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτοῖν αἴσιον ? εἴη τὴν πορείαν ἐκκόψαι. ἔπεμπεν οὖν τινας ἀπεροῦντας αὐτοῖν μήτε ἀναστρέφειν. ἐς αὐτὸν αὖθις “μήτε ἐκ τῶν νεῶν ἀποβαίνειν. οἱ δέ, ἐ ἐπεὶ τῶν νεῶν ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, ἐκέλευον ξὺν βοῇ τε καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ μηδαμῶς ἀναστρέφειν, ἔδοξέ τε τοῖς. παροῦσιν οἰωνός τε εἶναι οὐκ ἀγαθὸς τὸ γινόμενον. καὶ οὔποτε τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐκείναις τινὰ ἐκ Λιβύης ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐπανήξειν. πρὸς γὰρ δὴ τῷ οἰωνῷ καὶ ἀρὰν ἐς αὐτοὺς ἥκειν ἐκ βασιλέως οὔτι ἑκόντος, ὥστε μὴ ἀναστρέφειν ὑπώπτευον. καὶ εἰ μέν τίς αὐτὰ ἐς τὼ ἄρχοντε τούτω, Βαλε- ριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον, ξυμβάλλοιτο, οὐκ ἀληθῆ εὑρήσει τὰ ἐξ ἀρχῆς δόξαντα. ἣν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς Μαρτίνου δορυφόροις Στότξας, ὃ ὃς δὴ καὶ βασιλεῖ πολέμιος ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιθέ- σθαι καὶ ἐς Βυξάντιον ἥκιστα, ἀναστρέφειν, ἐφ᾽ ὃν δὴ τὴν ἀρὰν ἐκείνην ὑποπτεύσειεν ἄν τις ξυν-
1 ἐπειδὴ VP: ἐπεὶ Ο. 2 αἴσιον VP: ὅσιον Ο.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xi. 23-30
sent them off. And so they were sailing with great enthusiasm and eagerness against Godas and Sardinia. In the meantime the Emperor Justinian was sending off Valerian and Martinus in advance of the others in order to await the rest of the army in the Peloponnesus. And when these two had embarked upon their ships, it came to the emperor’s mind that there was something which he wished to enjoin upon them,—a thing which he had wished to say previously, but he had been so busied with the other matters of which he had to speak that his mind had been occu- pied with them and this subject had been driven out. He summoned them, accordingly, intending to say what he wished, but upon considering the matter, he saw that it would not be propitious for them to interrupt their journey. He therefore sent men to forbid them either to return to him or to disembark from their ships. And these men, upon coming near the ships, commanded them with much shouting and loud cries by no means to turn back, and it seemed to those present that the thing which had happened was no good omen and that never would one of the men in those ships return from Libya to Byzantium. For besides the omen they suspected that a curse also had come to the men from the emperor, not at all by his own will, so that they would not return. Now if anyone should so interpret the incident with regard to these two commanders, Valerian and Martinus, he will find the original opinion untrue. But there was a certain man among the body-guards of Martinus, Stotzas by name, who was destined to be an enemy of the emperor, to make an attempt to set up a tyranny, and by no means to return to Byzan- tium, and one might suppose that curse to have been
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eveyxely τὸ δαιμόνιον. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἴτε ταύτῃ εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ ἔχει, ἀφίημι ἑκάστῳ ὅπη ἄν τις βούληται ἐκλογίζεσθαι. ὅπως δὲ 6 τε στρατη- γὸς Βελισάριος καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐστάλη, ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.
ΧΙ
Ἕβδομον ἤδη ἔτος τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔχων ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἀμφὶ θερινὰς τροπὰς τὴν στρατηγίδα ἐκέλευσε ναῦν ὁρμίσασθαι ἐς τὴν ἀκτὴν ἣ πρὸ τῆς βασιλέως αὐλῆς τυγχάνει οὖσα. ἐνταῦθα ᾿Επιφάνιος ἀφικόμενος, ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἀρχιερεύς, εὐξάμενός τε ὅσα εἰκὸς ἣν τῶν τινα στρατιωτῶν ἄρτι βεβαπτισμένον τε καὶ τοῦ Χριστιανῶν ὀνόματος μεταλαχόντα εἰς τὴν ναῦν εἰσεβίβασεν. οὕτω τοίνυν ὅ τε στρατηγὸς Βελι- σάριος καὶ ᾿Αντωνίνα ἡ γυνὴ ἔπλεον. ξυνὴν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἸΤροκόπιος, ὃς τάδε ξυνέγραψε, πρότε- ρον μὲν καὶ μάλα κατορρωδήσας τὸν κίνδυνον, ὄψιν δὲ ὀνείρου ἰδὼν ὕστερον ἣ αὐτὸν θαρσῆσαί τε ἐποίησε καὶ ἐς τὸ στρατεύεσθαι ὥρμησεν. ἐδόκει γὰρ ἐν τῷ ὀνείρῳ εἶναι μὲν ἐν τῇ Βελι- σαρίου οἰκίᾳ, εἰσελθόντα δὲ ἀγγεῖλαι. τῶν οἰκετῶν ἕνα ὡς ἥκοιέν τινες δῶρα φέροντες: καὶ Bers- σάριον διασκοπεῖσθαι κελεύειν αὐτὸν! ὁποῖά ποτε εἴη τὰ δῶρα, καὶ αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ μεταύλῳ γενό- μενον ἄνδρας ἰδεῖν ob ἔφερον ἐπὶ τῶν ὦμων γῆν αὐτοῖς ἄνθεσι. τούτους δὲ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν εἰσαγ- αγόντα κελεῦσαι καταθεῖναι ἐν τῷ προστώῳ ἣν ἔφερον γῆν: οὗ δὴ Βελισάριον ἅμα τοῖς δορυφό-
1 αὐτὸν PO: om. V.
IIo
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xi. 30-xii. 5
turned upon him by Heaven. But whether this matter stands thus or otherwise, I leave to each one to reason out as he wishes. But I shall proceed to tell how the general Belisarius and the army departed.
XII
In the seventh year of Justinian’s reign, at about the spring equinox, the emperor commanded the general’s ship to anchor off the point which is before the royal palace. Thither came also Epiphanius, the chief priest of the city, and after uttering an appro- priate prayer, he put on the ships one of the soldiers who had lately been baptized and had taken the Christianname. And after this the general Belisarius and Antonina, his wife, set sail. And there was with them also Procopius, who wrote this history ; now previously he had been exceedingly terrified at the danger, but later he had seen a vision in his sleep which caused him to take courage and made him eager to go on the expedition. For it seemed in the dream that he was in the house of Belisarius, and one of the servants entering announced that some men had come bearing gifts; and Belisarius bade him investigate what sort of gifts they were, and he went out into the court and saw men who carried on their shoulders earth with the flowers and all. And he bade him bring these men into the house and deposit the earth they were carrying in the portico; and Belisarius together with his guards-
1τὶ
533 A.D.
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pos ἥκοντα, αὐτόν τε κατακλίνεσθαι ἐν τῇ γῇ ἐκείνῃ καὶ τὰ ἄνθη ἐσθίειν, τοῖς τε ἄλλοις αὐτὸϊ δὴ τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἐγκελεύεσθαι, κατακλινομένοις τε σφίσι καὶ ἐσθίουσιν ὥσπερ ἐπὶ στιβάδος ἡδεῖαν κομιδῆ τὴν βρῶσιν φανῆναι. τὰ μὲν δὴ τῆς ὄψεως τοῦ ὀνείρου ταύτῃ πὴ ἔσχεν.
‘O δὲ ξύμπας στόλος τῇ στρατηγίδι νηὶ εἵπετο, καὶ προσέσχον Ἰ]ερίνθῳ, ἣ νῦν Ἡράκλεια ἐπι- καλεῖται, ἔνθα δὴ πέντε ἡμερῶν χρόνος τῇ στρα- τιᾷ ἐτρίβη, ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς ἵπποις ὅτε μάλιστα πλείστοις τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐνταῦθα ἐδωρεῖτο ἐκ τῶν βασιλικῶν ἱπποφορβίων, & οἱ νέμονται ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θράκης χωρία. ὅθεν δὴ ἀπάραντες ᾿Αβύδῳ προσωρμίσαντο, καὶ σφίσι ξυνέπεσε τῇδε διὰ τὴν νηνεμίαν ἡμέρας διατρίβουσι τέσσαρας πρᾶγμα τοιόνδε ξυνενεχθῆναι. Μασσαγέται δύο τῶν τινα ς 2 n > fa) cal ἑταίρων ἐν τῇ ἀκρατοποσίᾳ ἐρεσχελοῦντα σφᾶς, ἅτε οἰνωμένω, ἀνειλέτην. πάντων γὰρ ἀνθρώ. TOV μάλιστά εἰσιν ἀκρατοπόται οἱ Μασσαγέται. Βελισάριος οὖν αὐτίκα τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω ἐν τῷ
fal ἃ », 2 > ΤᾺ 9. Ἂν > ’ κολωνῷ ὃς ἄγχει" ᾿Αβύδου ἐστὶν ἀνεσκολόπισε. καὶ ἐπειδὴ οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ οἱ τοῖν ἀνδροῖν Eury- γενεῖς ἐδυσχέραινόν τε καὶ ἔφασκον οὐκ ἐπὶ τιμω- ρίᾳ οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ ὑπεύθυνοι. εἶναι Ῥωμαίων νόμοις ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἥκειν (τὰ γὰρ δὴ σφῶν νόμιμα οὐ τοιάσδε τῶν φόνων ποιεῖσθαι τὰς τίσεις), ξυνε- θρύλλουν δὲ αὐτοῖς τὴν ἐς τὸν στρατηγὸν αἰτίαν καὶ στρατιῶται Ῥωμαῖοι οἷς δὴ ἐπιμελὲς ἐγεγόνει τῶν ἁμαρτανομένων μὴ εἶναι δίκας, τούς τε Μασ- σαγέτας καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα ξυγκαλέσας
1 αὐτὸ MSS. : ταὐτὸ Herwerden, approved by Christ. 2 ἄγχι VP: ἄγχιστα Ο.
TI2
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xii. 5-10
men came there, and he himself reclined on that earth and ate of the flowers, and urged the others to do likewise ; and as they reclined and ate, as if upon a couch, the food seemed to them exceedingly sweet. Such, then, was the vision of the dream.
And the whole fleet followed the general’s ship, and they put in at Perinthus, which is now called Heracleia,! where five days’ time was spent by the army, since at that place the general received as a present from the emperor an exceedingly great number of horses from the royal pastures, which are kept for him in the territory of Thrace. And setting sail from there, they anchored off Abydus, and it came about as they were delaying there four days on account of the lack of wind that the following event took place. Two Massagetae killed one of their comrades who was ridiculing them, in the midst of their intemperate drinking; for they were intoxicated. For of all men the Massagetae are the most intem- perate drinkers. Belisarius, accordingly, straightway impaled these two men on the hill which is near Abydus. And since all, and especially the relatives of these two men, were angry and declared that it was not in order to be punished nor to be subject to the laws of the Romans that they had entered into an alliance (for their own laws did not make the punishment for murder such as this, they said) ; and since they were joined in voicing the accusation against the general even by Roman soldiers, who were anxious that there should be no punishment for their offences, Belisarius called together both the Massagetae and the rest of the army and spoke as
1 Eregli, on the Sea of Marmora.
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Βελισάριος ἔλεξε τοιάδε: “ΕΠ μὲν πρὸς ἄνδρας νῦν πρῶτον εἰς πόλεμον καθισταμένους οἱ λόγοι ἐγίνοντο, μακροῦ ἄν μοι ἐδέησε χρόνου! λέξαντα πεῖσαι ὑμᾶς" ἡλίκον ἐστὶν ἐφόδιον εἰς τροπαίου κτῆσιν τὸ δίκαιον. οἱ γὰρ οὐκ ἐξεπιστάμενοι τὰς τῶν τοιούτων ἀγώνων τύχας ἐν ταῖς χερσὶ μόναις οἴονται εἶναι τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πέρας. ὑμεῖς δέ, οἱ πολλάκις μὲν νενικήκατε πολεμίους οὔτεβ τοῖς σώμασιν ἐλασσουμένους καὶ πρὸς ἀνδρίαν ἱκανῶς πεφυκότας, πολλάκις δὲ τῶν ἐναντίων ἐν πείρᾳ γεγένησθε, οὐκ ἀγνοεῖτε, οἶμαι, ὡς μάχονται μὲν ἐξ ἑκατέρας ἀεὶ στρατιᾶς ἄνθρωποι, βραβεύει δὲ ὁ θεὸς ὅπως ποτὲ αὐτῷ δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ τοῦ πολέμου δίδωσι κράτος. ὅτε τοίνυν ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχει, τήν τε τοῦ σώματος εὐεξίαν καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ πολέμου παρα- σκευὴν περὶ ἐλάσσονος προσήκει τοῦ τε δικαίου καὶ τῶν εἰς θεὸν ἡκόντων ποιεῖσθαι. τὸ γὰρ μάλιστα ξυνενεγκεῖν τοῖς δεομένοις δυνάμενον μᾶλλον ἂν εἰκότως πρὸς ἐκείνων τιμῷτο. πρῶτον δ᾽ ἂν τοῦ δικαίου γένοιτο γνώρισμα ἡ τῶν ἀδίκως ἀνῃρηκότων ποινή. εἰ γὰρ τό τε δίκαιον καὶ τὸ ἄδικον κρίνειν τε καὶ ὀνομάζειν ἐκ τῶν εἰς τοὺς πέλας ἀεὶ πρασσομένων ἐπάναγκες, οὐδὲν ἂν γένοιτο μᾶλλον ἀνθρώπῳ τῆς ψυχῆς ἔντιμον. εἰ δέ τις βάρβαρος, ὅτι τὸν ξυγγενῆ μεθύων ἀνεῖλεν, ἀξιοῖ συγγνώμονα ἔχειν τὴν δίκην, δι ὧν ἀπο- λύεσθαι τὰς αἰτίας φησὶ χείρω εἰκότως εἶναι ποιεῖ τὰ ἐγκλήματα. οὔτε γὰρ οὕτω μεθύειν 1 χρόνου MSS.: λόγου Haury.
2 χέξαντα πεῖσαι ὑμᾶς P: om. VO, 3 οὔτε Dindorf : οὐδὲ MSS.
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follows: “If my words were addressed to men now for the first time entering into war, it would require a long time for me to convince you by speech how great a help justice is for gaining the victory. For those who do not understand the fortunes of such struggles think that the outcome of war lies in strength of arm alone. But you, who have often conquered an enemy not inferior to you in strength of body and well endowed with valour, you who have often tried your strength against your oppo- nents, you, I think, are not ignorant that, while it is men who always do the fighting in either army, it is God who judges the contest as seems best to Him and bestows the victory in battle. Now since this is so, it is fitting to consider good bodily condi- tion and practice in arms and all the other provision for war of less account than justice and those things which pertain to God. For that which may possibly be of greatest advantage to men in need would naturally be honoured by them above all other things. Now the first proof of justice would be the punish- ment of those who have committed unjust murder. For if it is incumbent upon us to sit in judgment upon the actions which from time to time are com- mitted by men. toward their neighbours, and -to adjudge and to name the just and the unjust action, we should find that nothing is more precious to a man than his life. And if any barbarian who has slain his kinsman expects to find indulgence in his trial on the ground that he was drunk, in all fairness he makes the charge so much the worse by reason of the very circumstance by which, as he alleges, his guilt is removed. For it is not right for a man under
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Ἑ , ἄξιον ἄλλως τε Kal τὸν ἐν στρατοπέδῳ βαδίζοντα, ee > A \ I ς , > 3 3 la MOTE ἀναιρεῖν τοὺς φιλτάτους ἑτοίμως, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτή
) «- 4 a γε ἡ μέθη, κἂν ὁ φόνος ἥκιστα ἐπιγένηται, ποινῆς >? fe ΑΝ 2 is Ν ie ἀξία, τό τε ξυγγενὲς ἀδικούμενον περὶ πλείονος
aA / a A ἂν τῶν οὐ προσηκόντων ἐς τιμωρίαν τοῖς γε νοῦν Ν ἔχουσι φαίνοιτο. τὸ μὲν οὖν παράδειγμα καὶ ἡ an , ,
TOV πραττομένων ἀπόβασις ὁποία ποτέ ἐστιν a a / n
ὁρᾶν πάρεστιν. ὑμᾶς δὲ προσήκει μήτε χειρῶν BA DCF / , a 3 , ἄρχειν ἀδίκων μήτε τι φέρεσθαι τῶν ἀλλοτρίων" ὡς οὐ περιόψομαί γε οὐδὲ ὑμῶν τινα συστρατιώ- τὴν ἐμὸν ἡγήσομαι εἶναι, κἂν πάνυ φοβερὸς τοῖς
, a a a πολεμίοις εἶναι δοκῇ ὃς ἂν μὴ καθαραῖς ταῖς χερσὶν ἐς τοὺς ἀντιπάλους δύνηται χρῆσθαι. τὸ γὰρ ἀνδρεῖον οὐκ ἂν νικῴη μὴ μετὰ τοῦ δικαίου ταττόμενον. 1 Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. ἡ
Ν \ Z; δὲ στρατιὰ ξύμπασα, ἐπειδὴ τά τε λεγόμενα ” \ 3 ἈΝ b) [4 3 τὰ 2 ἤκουσαν καὶ ἐς TW ἀνεσκολοπιίσμένω ἀνέβλεψαν, i) ἐς δέος Te ἀμήχανον ἦλθον καὶ σωφρόνως βιο- ΤΑ γ᾽ a 3) (3 3 yw vA té τεύειν ἐν νῷ ἔλαβον, ὡς οὐκ ἔξω κινδύνου μεγάλου a Ὁ ἐσόμενοι, ἤν τι οὐκ ἔννομον ποιοῦντες ἁλοῖεν.
XIII
\ \ a Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐφρόντιζε Βελισάριος ὅπως τε δ 4 id ’ EN ἈΝ > Ἂς 8 , Ν 3 ὁ ξύμπας στόλος ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰϑ πλέοι καὶ ἐς χωρίον ταὐτὸ προσορμίζοιτο. ἤδει" yap ὡς ἐν
ῇ vf “ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἢν τραχεῖς σφίσιν 1 ταττόμενον PO: πραττόμενον. 2 ἀνέβλεψαν O: ἀπέβλεψαν VP 116
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xii. 18—xiii. 2
any circumstances, and especially when serving in an army, to be so drunk as readily to kill his dearest friends ; nay, the drunkenness itself, even if the murder is not added at all, is worthy of punishment ; and when a kinsman is wronged, the crime would clearly be of greater moment as regards punishment than when committed against those who are not kinsmen, at least in the eyes of men of sense. Now the example is before you and you may see what sort of an outcome such actions have. But as for you, it is your duty to avoid laying violent hands upon anyone without provocation, or carrying off the possessions of others; for I shall not overlook it, be assured, and I shall not consider anyone of you a fellow-soldier of mine, no matter how terrible he is reputed to be to the foe, who is not able to use clean hands against the enemy. For bravery cannot be victorious unless it be arraved along with justice.” So spoke Belisarius. And the whole army, hearing what was said and looking up at the two men impaled, felt an overwhelming fear come over them and took thought to conduct their lives with moder- ation, for they saw that they would not be free from great danger if they should be caught doing anything unlawful. Σ
ΧΙΠ
Arter this Belisarius bethought him how his whole fleet should always keep together as it sailed and should anchor in the same place. For he knew that in a large fleet, and especially if rough winds should
3 ταὐτὰ PO: ταῦτα V. 4 fda VO: ἤδη P. 117
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἄνεμοι ἐπιπέσοιεν, ἐπάναγκες ἀπολείπεσθαί τε τῶν νεῶν πολλὰς καὶ σκεδάννυσθαι ἐς τὸ πέλα- γος, οὐκ εἰδέναι τε αὐτῶν τοὺς κυβερνήτας ὁποίαις ποτὲ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν ἀναγομένων! ἕπε- σθαι ἄμεινον. λογισάμενος οὖν ἐποίει τάδε. τριῶν νεῶν, ἐν αἷς αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ θεραπεία ἔπλει, τὰ ἱστία ἐκ γωνίας τῆς ἄνω καὶ ἐς τριτημόριον μάλιστα ἔχρισε μίλτῳ, κοντούς τε ὀρθοὺς ava- στήσας ἐν πρύμνῃ ἑκάστῃ ἀπεκρέμασεν aT αὐτῶν λύχνα, ὅπως ἔν τε ἡμέρᾳ καὶ νυκτὶ αἱ τοῦ στρα- Τηγοῦ νῆες ἔκδηλοι εἶεν: αἷς δὴ ἕπεσθαι τοὺς κυβερνήτας ἐκέλευε πάντας.. οὕτω τε τῶν νεῶν τῶν τριῶν ἡγουμένων παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ τετύχηκεν αὐτῶν οὐδεμίαν ἀπολελεῖφθαι. ὅτε μέντοι ἐκ λιμένος ἀπαίρειν μέλλοιεν, ἐσήμαινον αὐτοῖς αἱ σάλπιγγες τοῦτο.
Ἔκ δὲ ᾿Αβύδου ἀναχθεῖσιν αὐτοῖς ἄνεμοι σκληροὶ ἐπιπεσόντες ἤγαγον εἰς τὸ Σίγειον. αὖθίς τε νηνεμίᾳ χρησάμενοι σχολαίτεροι ἐς Μαλέαν ἦλθον, ἔνθα δὴ αὐτοῖς ἡ νηνεμία ξυνήνεγ- κεν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα. ἅτε γὰρ ἐν στόλῳ μεγάλῳ καὶ ναυσὶν ὑπερμεγέθεσι, νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης, ἡ στενοχωρία ξυνετάραξέ τε ἅπαντα καὶ ἐς ἔσχατον κινδύνου 2 ἤνεγκεν. ἐνταῦθα οἵ τε κυβερνῆται καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ναῦται ἀρετὴν ἐπεδείξαντο, βοῇ τε καὶ πατάγῳ πολλῷ χρώμενοι καὶ τοῖς κοντοῖς διωθούμενοι, ἐμπτείρως τε ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων τὰς δια- στάσεις ποιούμενοι, ὥστε εἰ καὶ πνεῦμα ἐπί- φορον ἢ καὶ ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας αὐτοῖς ἐπεγένετο, μόλις ἂν οἱ ναῦταί μοι δοκεῖ σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰς ναῦς διεσώσαντο. νῦν δὲ οὕτως ὥσπερ εἴρηται
1 ἀναγομένων PO: ἀνομενων V. 23 κινδύνου PO: κίνδυνον V.
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiii. 2-8
assail them, it was inevitable that many of the ships should be left behind and scattered on the open sea, and that their pilots should not know which of the ships that put to sea ahead of them it was better to follow. So after considering the matter, he did as fol- lows. The sails of the three ships in which he and his following were carried he painted red from the upper corner for about one third of their length, and he erected upright poles on the prow of each, and hung lights from them, so that both by day and by night the general’s ships might be distinguishable; then he commanded all the pilots to follow these ships. Thus with the three ships leading the whole fleet not a single ship was left behind. And whenever they were about to put out from a harbour, the trumpets announced this to them.
And upon setting out from Abydus they met with strong winds which carried them to Sigeum. And again in calm weather they proceeded more leisurely to Malea, where the calm proved of the greatest ad- vantage to them. For since they had a great fleet and exceedingly large ships, as night came on everything was thrown into confusion by reason of their being crowded into small space, and they were brought into extreme peril. At that time both the pilots and the rest of the sailors shewed themselves skilful and efficient, for while shouting at the top of their voices and making a great noise they kept pushing the ships apart with their poles, and cleverly kept the distances between their different vessels; but if a wind had arisen, whether a following or a head wind, it seems to me that the sailors would hardly have preserved themselves and their ships. But as
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διαφυγόντες Ταινάρῳ προσέμιξαν, ἣ ἣ νῦν Καινου- mons ἐπικαλεῖται. εἶτα ἐνθένδε ὁρμηθέντες Μεθώνῃ προσέσχον, εὗὑρόν τε ὀλίγῳ πρότερον τοὺς ἀμφὶ Βαλεριανον : τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον αὐτόσε ἀφικομένους. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἄνεμοι οὐκ ἐπέπνεον ' σφίσι, τὰς μὲν ναῦς Βελισάριος ἐνταῦθα ὥρμισε, τὸ δὲ στράτευμα. ἀπεβίβασεν ἅπαν, καὶ ἀπο- Bayras τούς τε ἄρχοντας διεκόσμησε καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας διέτασσε. ταῦτά τε αὐτοῦ διέποντος καὶ ἀνέμων ἥκιστα ἐπιγινομένων, ἐπῆλθε πολλοῖς τῶν στρατιωτῶν νόσῳ διαφθαρῆναι ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε.
Ὁ τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος ὅ ᾿Ιωάννης φλαῦρός τε ἣν τὸν τρόπον καὶ οὕτω δυνατὸς εἰς τὸ προσαγ- αγεῖν ὃ εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἐπινοῆσαι χρήματα ἐπὶ λύμῃ ἀνθρώπων, ὡς οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἔγωγε φράσαι ἱκανῶς ἔχοιμι. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ὧν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ὃ “ἐρρήθη, ἡνίκα πρὸς © τῆς ἱστορίας. ἐς τόδε ἠγόμην τοῦ λόγου. τὰ δὲ νῦν ὅτῳ ποτὲ τρόπῳ τούτους δὴ τοὺς στρατιώτας διε χρήσατο ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι. τὸν ἄρτον ¢ ᾧ δὴ μέλλουσιν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ οἱ στρατιῶται σιτίξεσθαι, dis! μὲν ἐπάναγκες ἐς τὸν πνυγέα εἰσάγεσθαι, ἐπι- μελῶς δὲ οὕτως ὀπτᾶσθαι ὥστε ἐξικνεῖσθαί τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ μὴ χρόνῳ βραχεῖ διαφθείρεσθαι, τόν τε. οὕτως ὀπτώμενον ἄρτον ἀνάγκη ἐλάσσω τὸν σταθμὸν ἕλκειν:δ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ταῖς τοιαῖσδε ἀρτοδαισίαις εἰώθασιν οἱ στρατιῶται
1 ἐπέπνεον V: ἔπνεον PO. 2 ἔπαρχος V: ὕπαρχος PO. 3 cis τὸ προσαγαγεῖν P: om. VO.
4 καὶ ἐν Haury: καὶ MSS., κὰν Dindorf.
5 λόγοις VP: χρόνοις O. 8 πρὸς V: mpd PO.
Ἵ δὶς VP: διὸ Ο. ® ἕλκειν VOP corr. : ἔχειν P pr. τὴ,
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiii. 8-15
it was, they escaped, as I have said, and put in at Taenarum, which is now called Caenopolis.1 Then, pressing on from there, they touched at Methone, and found Valerian and Martinus with their men, who had reached the same place a short time before, And since there were no winds blowing, Belisarius anchored the ships there, and disembarked the whole army ; and after they were on shore he assigned the commanders their positions and drew up the soldiers. And while he was thus engaged and no wind at all arose, it came about that many of the soldiers were destroyed by disease caused in the following manner.
The pretorian prefect, John, was a man of worth- less character, and so skilful at devising ways of bringing money into the public treasury to the detriment of men that I, for my part, should never be competent to describe this trait of his. But this has been said in the preceding pages, when. I was brought to this point by my narrative.? But I shall tell in the present case in what manner he destroyed the soldiers. The bread which soldiers are destined to eat in camp must of necessity be put twice into the oven, and be cooked so carefully as to last for a very long period and not spoil in a short time, and loaves cooked in this way necessarily weigh less; and for this reason, when such bread is dis- tributed, the soldiers generally received as their
¥ Cape Matapan. _ 3. Book 1. xxiv. 12-15; xxv. 8-10.
121 VOL. 11. Ἐ
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[ον an Ν , τοῦ συνειθισμένου σταθμοῦ τὸ τεταρτημορίον 14 » ἀποτέμνεσθαι. ᾿Ιωάννης οὖν λογισάμενος ὅπως tf \ / \ \ \ - 2 ἐλάσσω τε τὰ ξύλα καὶ τὸν μισθὸν τοῖς ἀρτο- a , ic > Ἁ e ποιοῖς ἥσσονα Soin, καὶ ὅπως οἱ οὐκ ἐνδεὴς ὁ \ vf Ν U σταθμὸς εἴη, ὠμὸν ἔτι τὸν ἄρτον és τὸ δημόσιον a , \ 7 βαλανεῖον ἐσκομίσας τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέα, οὗ δὴ ἔνερθεν a \ τὸ πῦρ καίεται, καταθέσθαι ἐκέλευσε. Kal ἐπειδὴ ΕΣ ? - Ὁ 2 \ θ I ἀμωσηγέπως ὀπτᾶσθαι ἐδόκει, ἐμβαλὼν θυλακίοις ἐνθέμενός τε ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἔστελλε. καὶ ἐπεὶ ὁ lé 3 , 3 , τ 4 ” στόλος ἐς Μεθώνην ἀφίκετο, διαρρυέντες οἱ ἄρτοι a 3 a , ἐπανῆκον αὖθις ἐς ἄλευρα, οὐχ ὑγιᾶ pévToL, σεσηπότα δὲ καὶ εὐρωτιῶντα καί τινα ὀσμὴν ἤδη βαρεῖαν φέροντα. ἐχορήγουν τε αὐτὰ τοῖς στρα- τιώταις πρὸς μέτρον οἷς προσέκειτο ἡ τιμὴ αὕτη, χοίνιξί τε ἤδη καὶ μεδίμνοις τὴν ἀρτοδαισίαὰν ποιούμενοι. τούτοις δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται ὥρᾳ θέρους ἢ) ἐν χωρίῳ αὐχμοὺς ἔχοντι 5 σιτιζόμενοι ἐνόσησάν τε καὶ αὐτῶν ἀπέθανον οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ πεντα- , 3 4 ὃ} \ ta] , -Ὦ ΓΚ κόσιοι"ὃ ὃ. δὴ καὶ τοῖς πλείοσι ξυμπεσεῖν ἔμελλεν, ἀλλὰ Βελισάριος διεκώχυσεν, ἄρτους αὐτοῖς :) ’, a ΄ a \ ἐπιχωρίους χορηγεῖσθαι κελεύσας. βασιλεῖ δὲ τὸ πρᾶγμα δηλώσας αὐτὸς μὲν ηὐδοκίμησεν, οὐ , μήν τινα τότε ᾿Ιωάννῃ ζημίαν ἤνεγκε. a x Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτως ἐγένετο. ἐκ δὲ Μεθώνης e ΄ " 7 2 Ἃ 7 » ὁρμηθέντες ἀφίκοντο ἐς τὸν Ζακυνθίων λιμένα,
1 The comparative idea is required to govern σταθμοῦ. ἐπαποτέμνεσθαι ? 2 αὐχμοὺς ἔχοντι VP: αὐχμηρῶ O. 3 ἀπέθανον οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ πεντακόσιοι VP in marg. O: ἐν ὀλίγω τῷ χρόνω ἀπέθανον πεντακόσιοι P in context. 4 ἀλλὰ VP pr. m.: εἰ μὴ P corr. Ο. 122
HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiii. 15-21
portion one-fourth more than the usual weight.! John, therefore, calculating how he might reduce the amount of firewood used and have less to pay to the bakers in wages, and also how he might not lose in the weight of the bread, brought the still un- cooked dough to the public baths of Achilles, in the basement of which the fire is kept burning, and bade his men set it down there. And when it seemed to be cooked in some fashion or other, he threw it into bags, put it on the ships, and sent it off. And when the fleet arrived at Methone, the loaves disintegrated and returned again to flour, not wholesome flour, however, but rotten and becoming mouldy and already giving out a sort of oppressive odour. And the loaves were dispensed by measure 3 to the soldiers by those to whom this office was assigned, and they were already making the dis- tribution of the bread by quarts and bushels. And the soldiers, feeding upon this in the summer time in a place where the climate is very hot, became sick, and not less than five hundred of them died; and the same thing was about to happen to more, but Belisarius prevented it by ordering the bread of the country to be furnished them. And reporting the matter to the emperor, he himself gained in favour, but he did not at that time bring any punishment upon John.
These events, then, took place in the manner de- scribed. And setting out from Methone they reached
1 The ration of this twice-baked bread represented for the same weight one-fourth more wheat than when issued in the once-baked bread. He was evidently paid on the basis of so much per ration, in weight, of the once-baked bread, but on account of the length of the voyage the other kind was requisitioned. 2 Instead of by weight.
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r “ , ἔνθα δὴ ὕδωρ τὲ ἐμβεβλημένοι ὅσον σφίσιν 3 a + Ν ᾽ MN I ἐξικνεῖσθαι ἔμελλε τὸ ᾿Αδριατικὸν πέλαγος διωπλέουσι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα παρασκευασάμενοι Bg » f \ id an X les ἔπλεον. ἀνέμου δὲ σφίσι μαλακοῦ Te καὶ νωθροῦ κομιδῇ ἐπιπνεύσαντος ἑκκαιδεκαταῖοι κατέ-
a vA an \ πλευσαν τῆς Σικελίας ἐς χῶρον ἔρημον, οὗ τὸ ΝΜ 3 \ e Al’ » , 3 ὃ nm ὃ » ὄρος ἐγγὺς ἡ Αἴτνη ἀνέχει. ἐν δὲ τῷ διάπλῳ
, an τούτῳ διατρίψασιν αὐτοῖς ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ξυνέ- a \ πεσὲν ἅπασι διαφθαρῆναι τὰ ὕδατα, πλήν γε δὴ , ov Βελισάριός τε αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ξυμπόται ἔπινον.
24 τοῦτο γὰρ διεσώσατο μόνον ἡ Βελισαρίου γυνὴ
Uy a > Ve 3 δ fe τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. ἀμφορέας ἐξ ὑάλου πεποιημένους ὕδατος ἐμπλησαμένη οἰκίσκον τε ἐκ σανίδων
/ 3 , τ. \ a (oN A ? , ποιήσασα ἐν κοίλῃ νηὶ ἔνθα δὴ τῷ ἡλίῳ ἐσιέναι ἀδύνατα ἣν, ἐνταῦθα ἐς ψάμμον τοὺς ἀμφορέας κατέχωσε, ταύτῃ τε ἀπαθὲς τὸ ὕδωρ διέμεινε. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἔσχε.
XIV
Βελισάριος δέ, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἐς τὴν νῆσον ἀπέβη, ἀπορούμενός τε ἤσχαλλε καὶ ἔστρεφεν αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν τὸ μὴ εἰδέναι ἐπὶ τίνας ποτὲ ἀνθρώπων τοὺς Βανδίλους ἴοι, ἢ ὁποίους ποτὲ τὰ πολέμια, μηδὲ ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἢ ὁπόθεν ποτὲ σφίσιν ὁρμωμένοις ποχεμητέα εἴη. μάλιστα δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ στρατιῶται ξυνετάρασσον, κατωρρωδηκότες τε τὴν ναυμαχίαν καὶ προλέγειν ἥκιστα αἰσχυνό- μενοι ὡς, ἢν μέν τις σφᾶς εἰς τὴν γῆν ἀποβήσειε, πειράσονται ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ γίγνεσθαι, ἢν δὲ πολέμια πλοῖα ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἴοι, ἐς φυγὴν
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HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiii. 21-xiv. 2
the harbour of Zacynthus, where they took in enough water to last them in crossing the Adriatic Sea, and after making all their other preparations, sailed on. But since the wind they had was very gentle and languid, it was only on the sixteenth day that they came to land at a deserted place in Sicily near which Mount Aetna rises. And while they were being delayed in this passage, as has been said, it so happened that the water of the whole fleet was spoiled, except that which Belisarius himself and