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THE

HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

FAIRFIELD COUNTY, CONNECTICUT

FROM THE SETTLEMENT OF THE TOIVN IN i6}9 TO iSi8

k-W^

BY / r^i

Mrs. ELIZABETH HUBBEL^^ SCHENCK

VOL. I

PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR NEW YORK

Copyrighted, 1889, by ELIZABETH H. SCHENCK.

Press of J. J. Little & Co., Aster Place, New York.

PREFACE

The Centennial commemoration of the burning of the town of Fairfield on the 8th of July, 1879, revived many recollections of interest in the minds of the oldest inhabitants of the town, and awakened a desire among the younger descendants of our colonial forefathers to learn more of its early history. It was for this reason that the author ventured to offer her Centennial Reminiscences of Fairfield to the public. These reminiscences had been published in the Republican Standard, of Bridgeport, Connecti- cut, about three months, when, at the annual gathering of " The Library Association of Fairfield," in January, 1880, the author was invited to con- tinue and write the history of the town. About six weeks afterwards she received the following letter :

Fairfield, February \6th, 1880. Mrs. E. H. Schenck, Southporf, Conn. :

Dear Madam : — The undersigned, having read with interest your articles in the Bridgeport Standard, entitled "Centennial Reminiscences of Fairfield," and regarding them as a valuable contribution to our local history, respectfully tender to you this expres- sion of their desire that you will continue the labor in which you are engaged, and when completed, that you will place its results in permanent and accessible form.

Jas. K. Lombard, Dwight Morris, Samuel Osgood, N. S. Richardson,

Morris W. Lyon, Eaton W. Maxcy, Samuel Morehouse, A. N. Lewis,

Isaac Jennings, John Williams, O.B.Jennings, Joseph Sheffield,

John H. Glover, John D. Candee, Samuel Glover, A. B. Hull.

To this letter the following reply was made :

SOUTHI'ORT, Conn., February 17. 1880. To Messrs. J . K. Lotnbard, Dwight Morris and others :

Gentlemen : — Your complimentary letter of the i6th, inviting me to continue the labor in which I have been engaged, and when completed to place its results in perma- nent and accessible form, has been duly received. The reception of so gratifying a tes- timonial from such a source is most encouraging, and I beg you, one and all, to accept my grateful acknowledgment of this kindness.

I accept your invitation with pleasure, and if I do not accomplish all that maybe expected of the historian of one of the most interesting towns in Connecticut, rest assured it will not be from any lack of diligence or research on my part.

Again thanking you all for your encouragement and good will, believe me,

Very respectfully yours,

E. H. Schenck..

IV PREFACE

In accepting the task of compiling the history of a town, rich with historic lore, the author was fully sensible of the labor connected with it ; but she resolved to go bravely on and accomplish all that health, persever- ance, research and industry, would eventually achieve. Fairfield is her native town, and in Southport, which is a part of it, she was born. For over two hundred years her ancestors have lived and died within the limits of the township. On the hill which summoned the inhabitants of Green's Farms, by the beating of a drum, to the meeting-house on the Lord's day, her honored father, the late Jonathan Godfrey, was born. Her great grand- father. Lieutenant Nathan Godfrey, of Colonel Whiting's company, fought the battles of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. On her mother's side, she is a direct descendant of Richard Hubbell and of Joshua Jennings, and on both sides of the house of the Couch family. The blood which nerved some of the bravest men and women of Fairfield to deeds of courage, endurance, and military and political achievements, runs in her veins. It therefore, has proved no reluctant task for her to write the history of the men and women who took part in the settlement of New England, and more particularly of Fairfield.

It is at all times interesting to study the history of our New England ancestry, which, like the seed of Abraham, has become throughout the vast domain of the United States, in numbers like unto the sands upon the sea-shore: and for their intelligence, sound religious principles, thrift, ingenuity, indomitable perseverance and industry, they are honored by all the nations of the earth. Therefore, to write of their political and military prowess, their religious views, their manners and customs, will prove inter- esting to all who love old Fairfield.

The opinion which many have entertained that the colonists of Con- necticut were of an inferior stock. Judge Hollister, our late lamented Connecticut historian, most happily dispels. He says of them :

"The early planters of Connecticut were neither serfs nor the sons of serfs. So far from this were many of them, that they could trace their descent back through the line of knights and gentlemen of England by means of heralds' visitations, parish records, and county genealogies, to say nothing of those family pedigrees that were often trans- mitted, as heirlooms, from generation to generation, particularly in the line of the oldest son, to a remote day, and some of them to that wavering horizon where history loses itself in fable."

Fleeing, as our forefathers fled, from the religious intolerance of the mother country, they found but little time to think of the heraldic devices of their sires. Labor, and the honor of labor, with the freedom of wor- shiping the Great Jehovah according to their peculiar views, were the

PREFACE V

thoughts uppermost in their minds. Idleness alone was disgrace. Antici- pating the hardships to be encountered in their venture to a new country, many of them, before they left England and Holland, made themselves familiar with the useful occupations of life. The plow, the anvil, the harrow, and the spinning wheel were to be found in almost every home of the New England planters; and every father made it a matter of con- science to teach his sons some one of the useful trades, which were indis- pensable to the founders of a colonial settlement.

Many of the colonists brought servants and slaves with them, yet such was the scarcity of laborers that, " with the exception of the clergy, nearly all the original proprietors toiled earnestly upon their plantations, and frequently in the same field with their servants." Even the pastor some- times, when the harvest was plentiful and the laborers few, did not think it beneath his dignity to work in his own fields, and to lend a helping hand to his neighbors.

Brave women, many of whom were of gentle blood, who had known nothing of the hardships of life before leaving England, sang sweet songs to the low music of the spinning-wheel. " To labor," with them, "was to pray." And while the men worked in the field, and the women marked the moments of time as they passed by each turn of the spinning wheel, we can in imagination picture the pleasure with which they labored in the following beautiful lines :

" Labor is health ! Lo, the husbandman reaping, How through his veins goes the Hfe current leaping ! How his strong arm in its stalwart pride sweeping,

True as a sunbeam the swift sickle guides. Labor is wealth — in the sea the pearl groweth ; Rich the queen's robe from the cocoon fioweth ; From the acorn the oak of the strong forest bloweth ;

Temple and statue the marble block hides.

Labor ! all labor is noble and holy ;

Let thy great deed be thy prayer to thy God."

And the one great prayer of our Puritan forefathers, for which they cheerfully endured the severance of home-ties, the perils of the great ocean, and the still greater perils of a new and unsettled country, where the subtle Indian, and the wild beasts of the forest were ever on the alert for a new prey, was independence of political and religious thought — the struggle for which commenced in England in the days of Wickliff, and

vi PREFACE

ended only when the Declaration of the Independence of the United States secured to all men the rights of " life, liberty and happiness."

It was no wonder therefore that " all labor," with them, " was noble and holy." In the grand forests, the fine meadow-lands, the granite quarries, and the clear blue rivers of New England, they foresaw fortunes which labor could not fail, in the passage of time, to give into their posses- sion. And if for the moment they laid aside their titles, and, in a measure all social distinction, they, nevertheless, in many instances were careful to preserve their family genealogy and coat of arms. In the published genealogical works of Hinman, Savage, and other writers of New England, are to be seen the names and birth-places of some of the first planters of Fairfield, many of them accompanied with descriptions of their family coat of arms.

Hanging upon the walls of some of the inhabitants of the town, care- fully preserved, are family heraldic devices, showing the titled ancestry of several of the early settlers of Fairfield. Family seals have been preserved in the Probate Office, some of which are very curious.

But the pioneers of Connecticut were among the bravest of men and women, of whom we, who bear their names, have cause to be proud, with- out even a trace of aught else to excite that natural family pride, which is inborn in every loyal heart, for while our forefathers labored with cheerful hearts, each man's rifle was by his side, the jealous eye of the red man of the forest being ever upon them, eager for plunder and murder. It has been estimated that when the first settlements were formed upon the banks of the Connecticut river, there were from twelve to fifteen thousand Indians within the present limits of our state. There were certainly many hundreds within the bounds of Fairfield. The dense forests gave a shelter and a hiding place to the bear, the weasel and the wildcat. Wolves and foxes in thousands glared from the thickets, and upon every favorable opportunity sallied forth to prey upon the cattle and sheep.

But fear seems to have been unknown to those brave men. The pro- tecting love of God, to whom they alone looked for guidance, shielded them in a most extraordinary manner from the Indians, as well as from the wild beasts of the forest. Where the hand of the Great Jehovah guides He giveth courage for the undertaking.

The founders of New England were Englishmen. As a people they have remained remarkably pure in those physical and mental characteristics which mark them the world over, as a branch of the Anglo-Saxon race. It is a happy fact that in England to-day, an educated New Englander is received with the respect and heartfelt welcome which acknowledges him

PREFACE vii

as a brother. Particularly has this been the case since the Southern rebel- lion, when New England proved to the world, as she did in the days of the Revolution, that she possessed not only a race of men of superior physical endurance and military capability to send into the field, but men of intellectual cultivation and mental vigor to carry out the aim of our Puritan forefathers, to establish a government which should give the privi- leges of a freeman even to the humblest sons of Africa. Another fact which distinguishes the educated New Englanders of to-day in England, is the pure manner among the refined classes of speaking the English lan- guage, which it is acknowledged they speak more clearly and correctly than the representatives of any other part of the United States. Their firm religious character, as representative of Puritan principles and educa- tion, gives them a distinct individuality not only in England, but through- out all Europe.

The first settlers of Fairfield were of English birth. In the colonial and town records they are called " Englishmen." In the Indian deeds, the Indian lands, and the Inglish or English lands are mentioned. As time passed they were joined by representatives of other nations; in fact, individuals of almost every nationality found their way to the fair fields of Uncaway. For many years, however, the planters of Fairfield, as well as those throughout New England, remained a remarkably pure and unmixed race. After the Battle of Dunbar and Worcester, Cromwell sent four or five hundred Scotch prisoners to Boston, some of whom remained in America, while others in time returned to their native country. The Scotch name of Dougal or Douglas Mac Kensey for whom Kensey's Point was named, was for many years a representative of a well known name of that nation in Fairfield.

In 1685, at which time the revocation of the Edict of Nantes was declared, about one hundred and fifty families of French Huguenots settled in Massachusetts, and scattered throughout the various settlements of New England. Again in 1719 one hundred and twenty Scotch-Irish fami- lies came over and settled in New Hampshire and elsewhere.

The barren soil of Massachusetts led many of her planters to settle in the river towns on the Connecticut, and at Fairfield, Stratford, and New Haven. In Connecticut they found all that their fondest anticipations had pictured. But. the place of all other places to form a settlement, in the eyes of our forefathers, was at Uncaway and Pequonnock, the dis- covery and settlement of which, and the history of the men and women who took an active part in the colonial history of one of the oldest towns in the state, will always be dear to every Fairfielder,

viii PREFACE

The author has endeavored to give an accurate account of the histori- cal events which for many years made Fairfield the shire-town of the county, and one of the prominent settlements of New England.

To state facts, not individual opinions, has been her aim. If she has in any way failed in carrying out this idea, she will at least have the con- sciousness of having made an honest effort in that direction, and fulfilled the promise to those who intrusted her with writing this history.

Happily, the author has neither been destitute of encouragement nor of liberal support, in the way of books and papers of value, from many kind friends, among the most helpful of whom have been the honored state librarian of Connecticut, C. C. Hoadley, Brewster Hackley of Black Rock, the late Hon. Joseph Shefifield, of New Haven, the Rev. J. K. Lombard, of Fairfield, and the late lamented Rev. Dr. Samuel Osgood.

It has been by special request that the first volume of this work has been offered to the public, that the eyes of those who have nearly reached the age of fourscore years may read of the heroic deeds of their fore- fathers, in their earnest efforts to establish this great republic of the United States upon a basis of firm religious and political freedom.

Elizabeth Hubbell Schenck.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER

In the spring of 1636, the General Court of Massachusetts commissioned Roger Ludlow and seven other gentlemen, to govern the colony of Con- necticut " for the space of one year." At the expiration of the year Roger Ludlow, who had acted as governor of the colony, summoned his constituents to attend a General Court at Hartford, to consider the neces- sary steps to be taken for the protection of the infant settlements on the Connecticut. After deliberating upon the barbarities of their chief enemy the Pequots, one of the most powerful Indian tribes in New England? and the dangers thickening around them, a proclamation of war was issued in the following words :

" It is ordered that there shall be an offensive war against the Pequots, & that there shall be 90 men levied out of the three Plantations, Hartford, Weathersfield, & Windsor, (viz) out of Hartford 42, Windsor 30, Weathersfield 18 : under the command of Capt. Jolm Mason, & in case of death or sickness, under the command of Robt. Seely Leift.: & the eldest s^geant or military officer surviving, if both these miscarry."*

One is filled with astonishment at this declaration of war by a body of men, who, with all the adults able to bear arms in the three river settle- ments did not exceed two hundred and fifty, from which nearly one-third were sent against the Pequots. This small band of Englishmen, with brave hearts prepared themselves to give their very lives for the preserva- tion of their homes,. and the life of the New England colonies. Bound in one common tie of brotherhood, the other colonies resolved to assist them in subduing the savage foe. Plymouth agreed to send forty men, and Massachusetts one hundred and sixty, which included a small band already sent out under Captain Underbill to strengthen the fort at Say- brook. Before this number could be prepared for marching, Captain Patrick, of Massachusetts, was sent forward with forty men to capture the families of the Pequots in Block Island, after which he was to join Mason's forces. As prompt in action as in their declaration of war, the Connecti- cut soldiers were speedily equipped for the perilous undertaking. On the loth of May, Captain Mason with about ninety Englishmen, and seventy

* Col. Rec. of Conn., I., g. Lieutenant Robert Seely afterwards settled at Stratford and was the ancestor of the Seelys of Fairfield county.

X HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

Mohcgan and river Indians under Uncas, sailed from Hartford in a pink, a pinnace and a shallop, down the river to Saybrook. The Rev. Samuel Stone accompanied the expedition as chaplain. Owing to the shallow water of the Connecticut river at that season, they were five days in reach- ing the fort at its mouth. In the mean time, Uncas and the other Indians became impatient, and begged leave to make their way to Saybrook on foot, which request was granted. Upon Mason's arrival at the fort (Mon- day. May 15) Uncas joined him, and related that while on their way he and his men had already fought one battle, killed seven hostile Indians near the fort, and taken one prisoner.* This prisoner had been a spy employed by Sassacus to watch the fort, and had witnessed all the mur- ders committed upon the garrison near it. Uncas and his men requested that he should be executed according to the Indian custom of killing a spy, which was granted. The unfortunate Indian was tortured to death, while Uncas and his men danced around him with savage delight, until Captain Underbill put an end to his sufferings, by shooting him through the head with a pistol. f

Captain Mason had been instructed to make an attack upon the fort at Pequot harbor. The long delay, however, in reaching Saybrook, and adverse winds on the sound, led him to fear that Sassacus would concen- trate his w^arriors at that point, and thus make his attack unsuccessful. He had been educated in military tactics in England, and conceived the plan of passing by the Pequot harbor, and sailing to the Narragansett country as more judicious. By this course, he not only hoped to capture Sassacus by making an unexpected attack upon his rear, but thought he might fall in with the English troops on their way from Massachusetts. He also deemed it advisable to secure aid from the warriors of Canonicus.

* A more pleasing incident than this occurred soon after their arrival at Saybrook. A Dutch vessel which had been sent by Governor Stuyvesant to rescue two young English girls, captured at Weathersfield by the Pequots, cast anchor under the guns of the fort. Upon learning that they were furnished with articles for trading with the Pequots, the garrison ordered them not to leave, lest the metal articles on board might be purchased and manufactured into arrow heads by the savages. After a parley, the captain was allowed to proceed on his mission. Upon entering the Thames, he dispatched a messenger to Sassacus offering a ransom for the two young girls, but the haughty chief refused to give them up. The Dutch captain then invited some of the principal Pequots on board his vessel, made them prisoners, and sent a message to Sassacus, that unless he exchanged seven of the prisoners for the two girls, he would throw them all into the sea. Sassacus at first laughed at the threat, but through the influence of the wife of Mononotto was induced to make the exchange, to the great joy of the young girls and their friends. Gardiner says in his history of the Pequot War, that he paid ;^io to ransom the two girls.

f Gardiner's Hist, of the Pequot War, Mass. Hist. Coll., V., S. 3, 131-163. P. Vincent's Hist. Pequot War, Mass. Hist. Coll., VI., S. 3, 36.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER xi

Many of his men were opposed to this plan. They had already been longer from home than they had anticipated ; and thought the attack, as ordered by the General Court, should be made at all hazards.

" But Capt. Mason, apprehending an exceeding great hazard in so doing for the reasons fore mentioned, as also some other which I shall forbear to trouble you with, did therefore earnestly desire Mr. Stone that he would commend our condition to the Lord that night, to direct how, and in what manner we should demean ourselves in that Respect : he being our Chaplin and lying aboard our Pink, the Captain on shoar. In the morning very early Mr. Stone came ashoar to the Captain's chamber, and told him he had done as he desired, and was fully satisfied to sail for Narragansett: our council was then called, and the several reasons alledged : in fine we all agreed with one accord to sail for Narragansett, which the next morning, (May 12,) we put in execution.

The little army arrived at Narragansett bay on Saturday towards evening, where they kept the Sabbath. On account of the wind they were not able to go on shore till sunset on Tuesday, when Capt. Mason landed and went to the chief sachem's residence, and desired a free passage through his country, which was granted. The next day, Wednesday, they arrived at a place called Nayantic, eighteen or twenty miles distant, where resided another Narragansett sachem, who lived in a fort. As they would not suffer any of the English to go into their fort, Capt. Mason set a guard around it, and would not suffer any of the Indians to go out and give information to the Pequots of their approach.

On Thursday, about eight of the clock in the morning, we marched thence towards Pequot, with about five hundred Indians ; but through the heat of the weather and want of provisions, some of our men fainted, and after having marched about twelve miles, we came to Paivcatuck river, at a Ford where our Indians told us the Pequots did usually fish; there making an Alta, we stayed some small time ; the Narragansett Indians mani- festing great fear, in so much that many of them returned, although they had frequently despised us, saying. That we durst not look upon a Pequot, but themselves would perform great things; though we had often told them that we came on purpose, and were resolved, God assisting, to see the Pequots, and to fight with them before we returned, though we perished. I then enquired of Onkos, (Uncas,) what he thought the Indians would do ? who said the Narragansetts would all leave us, but as for hitttself, he would never leave us ; and so it proved; for which expression, and some other speeches of his, I shall never forget him. Indeed he was a great friend, and did great service.

And after we had refres-hed ourselves with our mean commons, we marched about three miles, and came to a field which had lately been planted with Indian corn : there we made another Alt, and called our council, supposing we drew near to the enemy ; and being informed by the Indians that the enemy had two forts almost impregn.ible ; but we were not at all discouraged, but rather animated, insomuch that we were resolved to assault both their forts at once. But understanding that one of them was so remote that we could not come up with it before midnight, though we marched hard : whereat we were much grieved, chiefly because the greatest and bloodiest sachem there resided, whose name was Sassacous : We were then constrained, being exceedingly spent in our march with extreme heat and want of necessaries, to accept the nearest."

" We then marching on in a silent manner, the Indians that remained fell all into the rear, who formerly kept the van, (being possessed with great fear;) we continued our

xii HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

march till about one hour in the night : and coming to a little swamp between two hills, wc pitched our little camp ; much wearied with hard travel, keeping great silence, sup- posing we were very near the fort, as our Indians informed us, which proved otherwise. The rocks were our pillows ; yet rest was pleasant. The night proved comfortable, being clear and moonlight. Wc appointed our guards, and placed our sentinels at some dis- tance, who heard the enemy singing at the fort, who continued their strain till midnight, with o-reat exulting and rejoicing as we were afterwards informed. They, seeing our pinnaces sail by them some clays before, concluded we were afraid of them, and durst not come near them, the burthen of their song tending to that purpose.

In the morning (Friday, 26th of May) we awaking and seeing it very light, supposing it had been day, and so we might have lost our opportunity, having purposed to make our assault before day, roused the men with all expedition, and briefly commended our- selves and design to God, thinking immediately to go to the assault.

The Indians showed us a path, and told us that it led directly to the fort. We held on our march about two miles, wondering that we came not to the fort, and fearing we might be deluded ; but seeing corn newly planted at the foot of a great hill, supposing the fort was not far off, a champion country being round about us ; then making a stand, gave the word for some of the Indians to come up ; at length Onkos and one Wequash * appeared. We demanded of them. Where was the fort ! They answered, On the top of that hill. Then we demanded. Where were the rest of the Indians. They answered. Behind, exceedingly afraid. We wished them to tell the rest of their fellows that they should by no means fly, but stand at what distance they pleased, and see whether English- men would now fight or not. Then Captain Underbill came up, who marched in the rear ; and commending ourselves to God, we divided our men, there being two entrances in the fort, intending to enter both at once. — Captain Mason leading up to that on the northeast side, who approached within one rod, heard a dog bark ; and an Indian cry 07V ami X ! Owanux ! which is Englishmen! Englishmen! We called up our forces with all expedition, gave fire upon them through the pallisado, the Indians being in a dead, indeed their last sleep. Then we wheeling off, fell upon the main entrance, which was blocked up with bushes about breast high, over which the Captain passed, intending to make good the entrance, encouraging the rest to follow. Lieutenant Seely endeavored to enter, but being somewhat cumbered, stepped back & pulled out the bushes, & so entered, & with him about sixteen men. We had formerly concluded to destroy them by the sword, & save the plunder.

Whereupon Capt. Mason, seeing no Indians, entered a wigwam, where he was beset with many Indians, waiting all opportunities to lay hands on him, but could not prevail. At length William Heydeji, espying the breach in the wigwam, supposing some English might be there, entered ; but in his entrance fell over a dead Indian ; but speedily recover- ing himself, the Indians some fled, others crept under their beds. The Captain going out of the wigwam, saw many Indians in the lane or street ; he making towards them they fled, were pursued to the end of the lane, where they were met by Edward Pattison

* Wequash was a Neantic Sagamore, who revolted from the Pequots. He was greatly affected by the remarkable victory of the English over them. "So great was his conviction of the power & glory of the God of the Englishman, that he went about the colony of Connecticut after the war, with bitter lamentations that he did not know Jesus Christ, until the good people instructed him, when he became an earnest convert to Christianity." He was supposed to have been poisoned by those Indians, who hated him for having embraced Christianity. — Mather's Magnalia.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER xlil

6r» Thotnas Barber, with some others, where seven of them were slain, as they said. The Captain facing about, marched a slow pace up the lane ; he came down, perceiving him- self very much out of breath, and coming to the other end, near the place where he first entered, saw two soldiers standing close to the palisado, with their swords pointed to the ground ; the Captain told them that we should never kill them after this manner. The Captain also said, We must hum them, and immediately stepping into the wigwam, where he had been before, brought out a fire brand, and putting it into the mats with which they were covered, set the wigwams on fire. Lieutenant Thomas Bull and Nicholas Olmsted beholding came up ; and when it was thoroughly kindled, the Indians ran as men most dreadfully amazed. And indeed such a dreadful terror did the Almighty let fall upon their spirits, that they would fly from us and run into the very flames, where many of them perished. And when the fort was thoroughly fired, command was given that all should fall off and surround the fort ; which was readily attended by all, only one Arthur Siniih, being so wounded that he could not move out of the place, who was happily espied by Lieutenant Bull, and by him rescued. The fire was kinded on the northeast side to the windward; which did swiftly overrun the fort, to the extreme amaze- ment of the enemy, and great rejoicing of ourselves. Some of them climbing to the top of the palisado ; others of them running into the very flames ; many of them gathering to the windward lay pelting a,t us with their arrows ; and we repaid them with our small shot: others of the stoutest issued forth, as we did guess, to the number of forty, who perished by the sword. . . . What I have formerly said, is according to my own knowledge, there being sufficient living testimony to every particular. But in reference to Capt. Underbill and his partie's acting in this assault, I can only intimate as we are informed by some of themselves immediately after the fight, that they marched up to the entrance on the southwest side ; there they made some pause ; a valiant, resolute gentle- man, one Mr. Hedge, stepping towards the gate saying, 'If we may not enter, wherefore came we here ? ' and immediately endeavored to enter ; but was opposed by a sturdy Indian, which did impede his entrance ; but the Indian being slain by himself and Sergeant Davis, Mr. Hedge entered the fort with some others ; but the fort being on fire, the smoke and flames were so violent that they were constrained to desert the fort. . . . Thus were they now at their wit's end, who not many hours before exalted themselves in their great pride, threatening and resolving the utter ruin and destruction of all the English, exulting and rejoicing with songs and dances : but God was above them, who laughed his enemies and the enemies of his people to scorn, making them as a fiery oven." '" Thus were the stout-hearted spoiled, having slept their last sleep, and none of their men could find their hands. -Thus did the Lord judge among the heathen, filling the place with dead bodies ! And here we may see the just judgment of God in sending even the very night before the assault, one hundred and fifty men from the other fort, to join with them of that place, who were designed, as some of themselves reported, to go forth against the English at that very instant when this heavy stroke came upon them, to where they perished with their fellows. So that the mischief they intended to us, came upon their own pate. They were taken in their own snare, and we through mercy escaped. And thus in little more than one hours space, was their impregnable fort with themselves destroyed, to the number of six or seven hundred, as some of themselves confessed. There were only seven taken captive, and about seven escaped. Of the English there were two slain outright, and about twenty wounded ; some fainted by reason of the sharpness of the weather, it being a cool morning, and the want of such comforts and necessaries as

xiv HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

are needful in such a case ; especially our Chirurgeon* wslS much wanting, whom we left with our barks in Narragansett Bay, who had orders to remain until the night before our intended assault. And thereupon grew many difficulties ; our provision and munition near spent ; we in the enemy's country, who did far exceed us in number, being much enraged, all our Indians except Onkos deserting us ; our pinnaces at a great distance from us, and when they would come we were uncertain. But as we were consulting what course to take, it pleased God to discover our vessel to us before a fair gale of wind, sail- ing into Pequot Harbor to our great rejoicing.

We had no sooner discovered our vessels, but immediately came up the enemy from the other fort— \\\x&& hundred or more as we conceived. The Captain led out a file or two of men to skirmish with them, chiefiy to try what temper they were of, who put them to a stand ; we being much encouraged thereat, presently prepared to march towards our vessels. Four or five of our men were so wounded that they must be carried in the arms of twenty more. We also being faint, were constrained to put four to one man, with the arms of the rest that were wounded to others ; so that we had but forty men free. At length we hired several Indians, who eased us of that burthen, in carrying off our wounded men. And marching one quarter of a mile, the enemy coming up to the place where the fort was, and beholding what was done, stamped and tore the hair from their heads ; and after a little space, came mounting down the hill upon us, in a full career, as if they would over-run us : but when they came within shot, the rear faced about, giving fire upon them : some of them being shot, made the rest more wary; yet they held on running to and fro, and shooting their arrows at random. There was at the foot of the hill a small brook, where we rested and refreshed ourselves, having by that time taught them a little more manners than to disturb us. We then marched on towards Pequot Harbor, and fall- ing upon several wigwams burnt them, the enemy still following us in the rear, which was to the windward, though to little purpose ; yet some of them lay in ambush, behind rocks and trees, often shooting at us, yet through mercy touched not one of us ; and as we came to any swamp or thicket, we made some shot to clear the passage. Some of them fell with our shot, and probably more might, but for want of munition: but when any of them fell, our Indians would give a great shout, and then they would take so much courage as to fetch their heads. And thus we continued until we came within two miles of Pequot Harbor ; where the enemy gathered together and left us, we marching to the top of an hill adjoining the harbor, with our colors flying, having left our drum at the place of our rendezvous the night before ; we seeing our vessels there riding at anchor, to our great rejoicing, and came to the water side ; we sat down in quiet. f

Captain Mason sent the wounded by sea to Hartford and led his little army and Indian allies by land to the fort at Saybrook, where they arrived on Saturday evening about sunset. Here, " they were nobly entertained

*Dr. Thomas Pell, a gentleman of good family from London, was sent from the fort at Say- brook, as surgeon of the expedition. He afterward settled at New Haven, from whence he removed to Fairfield, and afterwards to Westchester, N. Y., where he purchased of the natives a large tract of land, which was given the name of Pellham. — Styles' History of Windsor, p. 38.

Mrs. Martha J. Lamb's Hist, of New York T. 171, 257, 3S1. Bolton's Hist, of Westchester. Dr. Pell's will was probated at Fairfield, and some reliable documents in regard to his nephew John Pell of London, are on file there.

f Mason's Hist. Pequot War.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER XV

by Lieut. Lion Gardiner with many great guns." Tiiey remained over Sunday at the fort, spending the day in praise and thanksgiving for their great and wonderful dehverance from their savage foe. Continuing in Mason's words :

" And when we had taken order for the safe conduct of the Narragansett Indians, we repaired to the place of our abode; where we were entertained with great triumph and rejoicing, and praising God for his goodness to us, in succeeding our weak endeavors, in crowning us with success, and restoring of us with so Httle loss. Thus was God seen in the Mount, crushing his proud enemies, and the enemies of his people: they who were erewhile a terror to all that were round about them, who resolved to destroy all the English, and to root their very name out of this country, should by such weak means, even seventy-seven, there being no more at the fort, bring the mischief they plotted, and the violence they offered and exercised, upon their own heads in a moment, burning them up in the fire of his wrath.

Our commons were very short, there being a general scarcity throughout the Colony of all sorts of provisions, it being upon our first arrival at the place. We had but 07te pint of strong liquor among us in our whole march, but what the wilderness afforded, (the bottle of liquor being in my hand,) and when it was empty the very smelling to the bottle would presently recover such as had fainted away, which happened by the extremity of the heat.

I still remember a speech of Mr. Hooker, at our going abroad, that they should be bread for us.

I shall mention two or three special providences that God was pleased to vouchsafe to particular men, viz. two men, being one man's servants, namely John Dier and Thomas Stiles, were both of them shot in the knots of their handkerchiefs, being about their necks, and received no hurt. Lieutenant Seeley was shot in the eyebrow with a flat headed arrow, the point turning downwards; I pulled it out myself. Lieutenant ^^c// had an arrow shot into a hard piece of cheese, having no other defence ; which may verify the old saying, 'A little armor would serve if a man knew where to place it.' Many such provi- dences happened ; some respecting myself, but since there is none that witness to them, I shall forbear to mention them. As Captain Mason entered the wigwam from which he seized a burning firebrand to fire the fort, an Indian drew an arrow to its very head, which would have killed him had not one of his sergeants cut the bow just in time to save him."*

This remarkable undertaking scarcely has a parallel in history. " Never," says Palfrey, 'Svas a war so just or so necessary ;" and certainly never a victory more signal or more wonderful. For a mere handful of men to attack so powerful a foe in a strange country, surrounded on all sides with hundreds of Indians, seemed presumption itself. But our forefathers relied not on the strength of their own arm ; their trust was in the mighty power of the Most High ; and His providences overshadowed them in an extra- ordinary manner.

In the mean time the Pequots returned to the fort of Sassacus. and * Hubbard's Narrative of Indian War, p. 38.

xvi HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

after relating the story of their defeat, and the havoc made by the Eng- lish, they charged all the misfortunes which had befallen them to his haughtiness and misconduct ; and threatened him with immediate death. His friends and chief counselors, however, interceded for him, and through their entreaty and protection his life was spared. They revenged them- selves upon Uncas and his followers, by killing all their kinsmen who remained among them, except seven. The latter escaped to the English. They then held a council of war, and regarding their situation as one too hazardous to remain where they were, burned their wigwams, destroyed their fort, and in bands wandered about the country. About forty warriors with a large number of women and children moved a short distance west- ward, where they took refuge in a swamp. Sassacus and Mononotto, with the greater part of their Sagamores, moved further westward. Upon reach- ing the Connecticut, they seized three men in a boat, whom they dis- patched with savage revenge.

When the news of Mason's victory reached Massachusetts, the Governor and 'Council decided to send Captain Israel Stoughton, Captain William Trask and Lieutenant Richard Davenport with one hundred and sixty men,* to assist Captain Mason in conquering the Pequots, even to the destruction of their name. . . . Like the Israelites of old, they deemed it an act of Christian justice to exterminate these " heathen Amalekites."

On the 2d of June the General Court met again at Hartford. An order was issued that thirty men should be sent out of the '' several plantations in this river Connecticut, to set down in the Pequoitt Country & River in place convenient to maint^'"^ o"" right y' God by Conquest hath given to us; & Leiftennt Seely shall have the Comande of them. "

Governor John Haynes, who had joined the Hartford settlement during the previous summer, and Roger Ludlow were appointed to go down to the fort at Seabrook, " to treat & Conclude with their friends of the Bay about prosecuting the war against the Pequots, — & to parley with the Bay about setlinge downe in the Pequoett Country."

Captain Stoughton's party, with the famous Rev. John Wilson as chap- lain, arrived at Pequot Harbor the latter part of June. Here Captain Stoughton was guided to a large swamp by some of the Narragansetts, where they surrounded the band before mentioned, who there had sought refuge and took about eighty captives. Thirty men out of this number were killed. f Two Sachems and the women and children were saved.

* Mass. Hist. Coll. I., 192.

} Cotton Mather states " that at one time some hundreds of them were seized by Captain Stoughton with little opposition, who sending away the females & children as captives, put the

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER XVll

The Sachems were spared, upon promising that they would conduct Stoughton to Sassacus, the women and children numbering about eighty, thirty of whom were given to the Narragansetts and three to the Massa- chusetts Indians. The remainder were sent to Massachusetts for slaves. About this time Captain Stoughton and his men effected a junction with Captain Mason's army, who were accompanied by Roger Ludlow, and several of the principal gentlemen from the river settlements. After a council of war, it was decided to pursue the Pequots. The captured Sachems refused to tell where they could be found, and in consequence were beheaded at a place near Guilford, afterwards called Sachem's head.

The vessels carrying provisions, etc., sailed along the shore, while the troops marched by land, followed by Uncas and his men, who kept close on the trail of the flying Pequots, expecting to join the English in over- taking them. In three days the army reached Qunnipiack (New Haven), where they saw a great smoke in the woods. Supposing the enemy near at hand, they, without delay, marched upon them, but soon learned that the fire had been kindled by the inhabitants. The troops now embarked on board their vessels, and spent several days at Qunnipiack. Here a Moheagan, named Jack Etow, captured two Pequots in a forest, whom he carried prisoners on board the English vessel. They had loitered behind their clan, and to escape observation had taken refuge in a tree. Life was granted to one of them, if he would search out Sassacus, and kill him or take him prisoner. The treacherous savage set out on his mission, and, joining his countrymen, for several days sought an opportunity to slay his chief. He was, however, soon suspected of his design, and fled to the English by night. He informed Captain Mason of the number of Pequots with Sassacus and Mononotto, and that they were secreted in a swamp to the westward.

The army were at once set in motion, and marched with all possible speed to the place design-ated.

"As the Souldiers were uppon their march, close by a great thicket, where no eye could penetrate farre, as it often falls out in such wearisom wayes, where neither men nor beast have beaten out a path ; some Souldiers lingering behinde their fellowes, two Indians watching their opportunity, mucli like a hungry hauke, when they supposed the last man was come up, who kept a double double double distance in his march, they sudden & swiftly snatched him up in their tallens, hoisting him upon their shoulders, ran into the swamp with him; the Souldier unwilling to be made a Pope by being borne on mens shoulders, strove with them all he could to free himselfe from their hands; but,

men on board a vessel of one Skipper Gallop, which proved a Charons ferry-boat unto them, for it was found the quickest way to feed the fishes with 'em." Magnalia, 1., B. VII., 483. Hubbard's Indian Wars, p. 35. 6

xviii HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

like a careful! Commander, one Captaine Davenport, then Lieutenant of this company, being diligent in his place to bring up the reare, coming up with them, followed with speed iniu the swamp after him, having a very severe cutlace tyed to his wrist, & bemg well able to make it bite sore when he set it on, rezolving to make it fall foul on the Indians bones, he soone overtook them, but was prevented by the buckler they held up from killing them, which was the man tiiey had taken; It was a matter of much wonder to see with what dexterity they hurled the poore Souklier about, as if they had been hand- ling a Lacedaemotiian shield, so that the nimble Captaine Dave^iport could not of a long tin^e. fasten one stroke upon them; yet, at last, dying their tawny skin into a crimson colour, they cast downe their prey, & hasted thorow the thickets for their lives. The Souklier thus redeemed, had no such hard usage, but that he is alive, as I suppose, at this very day."*

After marching about twenty-five miles near the coast, through Cup- head, Pequonnock, and Uncoway, they came upon the swamp at Sasqua (now called Southport), in which the Pequots were secreted. This swamp of water, bogs and mire, thickly wooded with a dense undergrowth, entirely surrounded a cone-shaped hill, about thirty feet in height. It was almost impossible for a stranger to enter it, without sinking above the knees in mire. The English troops drawn up in the regular order of their companies, made an attack. The Indians, in the meantime, skulked up and down shooting their arrows from behind the trees, and then suddenly dropped flat in the water, to defend themselves from the retaliation of the soldiers' muskets. Lieutenant Davenport encouraged his men to follow him into the swamp, where he was sorely wounded, and both he and his men sank so deep in the mire, that but for the timely assistance of their friends, they would all have been killed. Several Indians were slain in the encounter. Find- ing they could not capture the enemy in this way, the English decided to surround the swamp. After some time spent in skirmishing, the native Indians desired a parley. Meanwhile, an Indian had been seen to enter the thicket with a brass kettle on his back, which led to the conclusion that there must be some place of firm land in the centre of the swamp.

At the first approach of the English, the Sachems and Indians of the country had fled with dismay into the swamp ; but as they had done the English no harm, the parley was granted. The ofificers were also anxious to save the old men, women and children. Thomas Stanton, a man familiar with the Indian language, was sent in to treat with them. He was instructed to offer life and protection to all Indians who had not shed Eng- lish blood. " The native Sachems, followed by companies of warriors, aged men, women and children, came out in numbers of about two hundred." The chief Sachem declared that neither he nor his people had done the

* Johnson's Wonderworking Providence. Mass. Hist. Col. Vol. IV ^ 2. pp. 50-61.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER xix

English any harm, and expressed a desire to make peace with them. The haughty Pequots, however, disdained all overtures of peace, exclaiming: "We will fight it out to the last ! " Stanton barely escaped with his life in leaving the swamp, and the soldiers were obliged to fly to his rescue. The fight was now renewed, but on account of some misunderstanding among the officers, several of the Pequots escaped. " Some were for forcing the swamp immediately, but this was opposed as too dangerous. Others were for cutting it down, as they had taken many hatchets, with which they were of the opinion it might be effected. Some others were for making a palisade and hedge round it, but neither of these measures could be adopted." As night approached, it was agreed to lessen the circle around the swamp, which was almost divided in two parts at one point, by cutting down the trees and undergrowth. This being done, sentinels were stationed at a distance of twelve feet apart. Thus they entirely encircled the swamp, and watched the enemy through the night. During the night the Pequots crept near the guards and discharged their arrows at them, but not one was slain. From the dead bodies found the next day, it was shown that the English musketry had made severe havoc among the enemy." Just before dawn a dense fog fell over the place, and seizing this favorable opportunity for escape, the Indians, with hideous yells, first attacked Captain Patrick's quarters, but they were severely driven back by Captain Mason sending timely aid. Captain Trask also marched quickly to the scene of action, followed by Captain Mason, upon whom the Indians now directed their full strength. Mason, however, gave them such a warm reception that they were glad to retire. They then rushed once more upon Captain Patrick's quarters, when about sixty or seventy of their bravest warriors broke through his line and escaped, several of whom were found slain the next day, by those who pursued them as far as Fairfield. About twenty others were killed, and one hundred and eighty taken prisoners. Hatch- ets, wampum, kettles, trays, and other Indian utensils were taken.

Sassacus who had been alarmed by the escape of the spy sent to slay or take him prisoner, fearing to fall into the power of the English before the battle took place, set out for the country of the Mohawks. He w^as accompanied by Mononotto and twenty or more of his bravest warriors. He no doubt feared his own men, who had already threatened his life at their defeat at Groten. He carried with him about five hundred pounds of wampum. The women who had been taken captives, stated that about seven hundred Indians and thirteen Sachems had been slain during the war ; and that thirteen Sachems were still living. Sassacus and his warriors were surprised by the Mohawks, and all slain but Mononotto who escaped.

XX HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

It was reported that the Mohawks were bribed by the Narragansetts to commit this act. In the month of October following, the Mohawks sent the scalps of Sassacus, one of his brothers, and five others of the murdered Sachems, as trophies to Hartford. Soon after Roger Ludlow and other gentlemen, carried a lock of Sassacus' hair to Boston, " as a rare sight, & a sure demonstration of the death of their mortal enemy."

Among the women taken captive in the swamp was the wife of Mono- notto. Her modesty, kindliness of temper, and good sense, particularly attracted the English. She made but two requests, which were that her chastity and children might be spared. These requests were granted, particularly, as it had been through her instrumentality that the lives of the two young girls, who had been stolen from Weathersfield had been spared. She was specially recommended to the kindness of the Gov- ernor of Massachusetts, who gave her and her children every care and protection'" The captives and the booty taken, were divided among the Connecticut and* Massachusetts troops. A number of those carried to Massachusetts were sold as slaves in the West Indies, where they dragged out an unhappy but brief existence. Those who remained as slaves in the colonies proved restless, and soon escaped from their servitude.f

Upon the return of the victorious army, joy unspeakable reigned in the English colonies. A day of public thanksgiving was appointed in Plymouth, Massachusetts, and Connecticut. The planters now went forth to their labor in the field without fear of the Indians ; and the mothers with animated fervor, fearlessly sang Puritan hymns by the cradles of their children.

The drain of men from the plantations to carry on this war, and a great scarcity of articles of food and clothing, made the winter, which was unusually severe, one of great privations to the colonists. Money also was very scarce. That their condition might not be known to the Indians, as well as to prevent them from taking advantage of their situation by rais- ing the price of corn, the General Court met at Hartford on the 9th of February, 1638, and passed a resolution, " that no person in the river plan- tations or at Agawam, should go up the river to trade with the Indians for corn, either privately or publicly, under a penalty of 5s. pr. bushel, without the consent of the Court."

In order to raise means to pay the expenses of the war, it was voted

* Mason's Hist., Pequot War., Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. 8, S. 2, 146-151.

t One of the Pequot captives was owned by Samuel Hall, and bound to Samuel Gregory of Fairfield for several years. He was given his freedom on the 27th of October, 1691. F. T. Votes, p. 21.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER Xxi

that a tax of six hundred pounds should be levied, to defray the charges of the late design against the Pequots, " Agavvam £S6, i6% Windsor ;i^i58, 2% Hartford £2^,1, 2% Weathersfield £124. The payment to be made in money, in Wampum at fower a penny, or in good merchantable beaver at 9^- pr. pounde." Mr. Clement Chaplin was appointed Treasurer. Mr. William Wadsworth of Hartford, Henry Wolcott, sr. of Windsor, Andrew Ward of Weathersfield, and John Burr of Agawam, were made collectors of taxes for their respective plantations. On the 8th of March, committees, afterwards called deputies, were elected from each town to assist the magistrates. From these two bodies, originated the Senate and House of Representatives of Connecticut,

At the same time Mr. William Pynchion of Springfield was appointed to purchase corn of the Indians, and to deliver five hundred bushels at Hartford, at 5^- a bushel. If he could save by this sale, he was to deliver the proportion of Windsor to Mr. Ludlow at 5^- 2^- a bushel. Weathers- field was to be supplied from Hartford. The price set to pay the Indians was 4^- pr. bushel, "to be paid in wampum at 3 a penny, or merchantable beaver at X • a pound."

At this critical crisis, the committee were sent to Pocomstock or Deer- field to purchase corn. The Indians came down the river in fifty canoes laden with corn at one time. This was considered a great and providential deliverance, by the famished colonists. All who wished to purchase corn, were to repair to the magistrates of the town in which they resided for a just proportion. Mr. Ludlow and two others were also commissioned to send a vessel to the Narragansett Indians for corn.

A stringent law was passed against any abuse of the Indians. Corselets and arms were ordered to be provided within six months, for the use of the army. Captain Mason was made Major-General of the militia of Con- necticut, with a stipend of forty pounds pr. annum, " to train the men in each plantation ten days in every year, soe it be not in June or July." The Rev. Mr. Hooker delivered him the stafT. Every male from the age of sixteen was ordered to bear arms, and in case anyone failed to be present at the public trainings he was to pay a fine of 3^-. Each plantation was required to be supplied with a magazine of powder and shot ; and every military man to have continually in his house ''half a pound of powder, two pounds of bullets suitable to his piece, & one pound of match, if his piece be a match-lock," under a penalty of five shillings.

For the public service done by Thomas Stanton in behalf of the colony, he was awarded ten pounds. He was also appointed to attend all the Courts as interpreter between the English and the Indians, with a

xxii HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

sa

alary of ten pounds pr. annum. The Court also passed a law, " that when a company of Indians set down near an English plantation, they should declare who their chief Sachem was, & that said Sachem should pay for all damages done by his men."

Scarcely had a month passed after the close of the war, before serious trouble arose between the magistrates of Massachusetts and Ninigret, chief Sachem of the Nehantics, on account of his harboring the Pequots. Uncas, elated with his triumph over Sassacus and Mononotto, now consid- ered himself at the head of the Pequot tribe, and willing to increase the num.ber of his men, had also received several of the wandering tribe. The Narragansetts, who had conceived a bitter hatred towards him since the war, reported his course to the English, which was most unfavorable for him.

In order to appease the English, Uncas with tliirty-seven of his war- riors, made a visit to Boston in July. He presented the governor with twenty fathoms of wampum, which was refused until he made satisfaction for receiving the Pequots. With apparent grief and many apologies he denied the charge. His present then being received, he took courage and placing his hand upon his heart he thus addressed the governor : " This heart is not mine: it is yours. Command me any hard thing, & I will do it. I will never believe any Indian's word against the English. If any Indian shall kill an Englishman, I will put him to death, be he ever so dear to me."

This promise was faithfully kept. Uncas remained a loyal friend to the English, who often protected his life and that of his men, at great sac- rifice.

The few surviving Pequots became a prey to all the other Indian tribes, who prided themselves in presenting the English with as many of their heads, as they could either by violence or stratagem secure. At last they applied to the General Court for protection.

At a meeting of the General Court held at Hartford on the 2 1st of Sep- tember, the remnant of this once powerful tribe, which had been reduced to about two hundred, were divided among their enemies as follows : eighty to Miantonimo, twenty to Ninigret, and the other hundred to Uncas, to be received and treated as their men. Peace was established between Miantonimo and Uncas. It was also stipulated if trouble should arise in the future between them that they should imm.ediately appeal to the English for justice. The Mohegans and Narragansetts promised not to conceal or entertain enemies of the English. The Pequots were never to return to their own country without the consent of the English, to whom

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER xxiii

they were also to pay " a tribute annually of a fathom of wampumpeag for every man, half a fathom for every young man, & a hand's length for every male papoose."

The consummation of this treaty gave great joy to the colonists. The churches throughout all New England kept a public day of thanksgiving for the mercies vouchsafed them. " Devout & animated praises were addressed to him, who giveth his people the victory, & causeth them to dwell safely."

Having enacted the above laws for the protection of the settlements, the General Court assembled at Hartford on the 14th of January, for the purpose of preparing a constitution for the government of the colony of Connecticut. The commission granted by the General Court of Massa- chusetts to Roger Ludlow and his constituents, covered only the space of one year. The remoteness of the new colony from Massachusetts, and the fact of its being beyond' the limits of that colony, made it extremely incon- venient to act in co-operation with its government; besides, Ludlow and his associates, when they left Massachusetts, probably had no idea of con- tinuing under that jurisdiction. At the close of the first year, a renewal of the commission was not solicited ; and upon the Connecticut patentees abandoning the scheme of colonizing their patent territories, the planters of the river settlements formed themselves, by a voluntary compact, into a distinct commonwealth. With sober thought and prayerful considera- tion, they deliberated and prepared a constitution, which afterwards was destined to form the basis of all the constitutions of our great republic.

" The men who formed this constitution, deserve to be held in everlasting remem- brance. They were not ignorant, or rash, or timid men. They were Ludlow & Haynes, & Wolcott & Hopkins & Hooker, & others of kindred spirits ; men of clear minds & good hearts ; men who in their views of civil & religious liberty were far in advance of their age, & who under the guidance of a kind Providence, introduced a form of govern- ment, which, for two centuries, has secured to the people of this state, a measure of peace &; liberty, of order & happiness not surpassed by any other people on earth. I say emphatically, /<9r /lao centuries. For the charter obtained from Charles II. in 1662, did little more than assume & ratify the constitution of 1639 It left its great principal unal- tered ; & Connecticut was still a republic in everything but a name. The Constitution of 1818 is altogether conformable, in its principles, to the compact entered into by our fathers, differing from it chiefly in its adaptedness to a more numerous population, & to the interests of a more widely extended & complicated state of society."

It was purely republican in its tenor, and is the crowning glory of the forefathers of Connecticut. It acknowledged no king but God ; no law but the divine law ; no priest but our Great High Priest Jesus Christ. It gave liberty to every man, and the right of a freeman to all well disposed

xxiv HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

moral citizens. Even the humblest toiler among them saw how, with that sturdy ambition, which has always characterized the people of Connecti- cut, he could rise to the highest place of state. It maintained the Congre- gational form of worship, which they conceived to be the one most in accordance with the church established by Christ and his apostles. An oath for the governor and deputy governor, the magistrates and constables was also provided. On the nth of April the freemen from all the towns met at Hartford, and under the Constitution they had adopted, proceeded to elect the following officers:

John Haynes— governor. Roger Ludlow— deputy governor.

Assistant Magistrates. Roger Ludlow, Edward Hopkins, Thomas Wells, John Webster, William Phelps,

George Wyllys.

Committees or Deputies. John Steele, Mr. Spencer, John Pratt, Edward Stebbins, Mr. Gaylord, Henry Wolcott, Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Ford, Thurston Raynor, James Boosy, George Hubbard & Richard Crab.

Under the wise government of the framers of the Constitution, the colony continued to flourish in a remarkable manner. The liberality of the first statute in the code, which set out a declaration or bill of rights to each freeman, invited many to settle in Connecticut. By its provision, all men of good moral character and industrious habits, were admitted to the rights of freemen. The severe law of Massachusetts, which allowed the civil franchise only to communicants of the Congregational Church, deprived many conscientious persons of that privilege; consequently when Con- necticut offered the only true and wise platform, whereby men should be made freemen, cver}^ man felt that his own moral course made him indeed a freeman — free in that sense which develops his moral nature through his own independent will, governed by love of Christian principle. The mild character of the policy and government of Connecticut through the early history of her legislation, forms a striking contrast to the policy of Massa- chusetts— hence the constitution of Connecticut, which was framed at "a period when the light of liberty was wholly darkened in most parts of the earth, & the rights of men so little understood, in others, does great honor to the liberality, wisdom & far seeing policy of our venerable ancestors." It became as a vine planted in the wilderness, healthfully and religiously husbanded, a flourishing tree, its branches offering a shelter and an abiding place to the weary and oppressed, the grief-stricken, the sin-stricken, the humble toiler for the rights of manhood, and the Christian minister and soldier; all of whom sat down under its shadow, happy in the rights of freemen.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

1639-1650

DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT

Discovery of Uncoway. — Its natural advantages — Roger Ludlow's commission to settle Pequonnock. — Indians of the country. — First purchase of Indian lands. — Character of the country. — Samp-mortar Rock. — Pequot Swamp. — Named Fairfield. — Ludlow's com- panions.— First five home lots. — Ludlow fined. — His apology. — Settlements of Stamford and New Haven. — Fear of an English governor. — Connecticut patent. — Indian purchases and privileges. — Laws. — Constables. — State archives. — Courts. — Ludlow lays out the town. — Additional planters. — Ludlow purchases Norwalk. — Spring of 1640. — Ludlow a judge of the General Court. — Colony prison. — Mere-stones. — Tobacco. — First town and school-house. — Planters of 1640. — Home Industry. — Improvements of lands. — Trade. — Pipe-staves. — Fencing. — Hides. — Flax. — Pequonnock bounds. — Uncoway Indian tribute. — Sumptuary laws. — Imports and exports. — Shipping. — Truthfulness. — Trouble with the Dutch. — Creditors and Debtors. — Ludlow deputy-governor. — Indian troubles. — Militia called out. — Condition of the planters in 1642. — Assistants and Deputies of 1643. — Arms forbidden the Indians. — Jurors. — Confederation of the colonies. — Grand-jurors. — Marriages. — Plantations guarded — Governor Stuyvesant. — Indians rise at Stamford. — General fast proclaimed. — Fairfield Indians troublesome. — Ludlow's prompt action. — General combination of the Indians. — General Court laws for town courts, merchandise, liquors, inns, land, fences, town clerks, and trade with the Indians. — Mills. — Long Island Indians. — Bequest of William Frost to Christ's Church. — Maintenance of ministers and students at Harvard College. — Herdsmen. — Marks of private cattle, etc. — Magistrates and Deputies of 1645. — Training days. — Coiony fair. — General tax for purchasing Say- brook fort. — War between Uncas and the Narragansetts. — War declared against the Narragansetts. — Peace established in August. — Assistants and Deputies of 1645. — Jury trials. — Criminals not allowed to vote. — Governor Haynes to visit the Indian raservations. ^Dutch and Indian troubles. — Tobacco. — Guards for the Sabbath and lecture days at Fairfield. — Seaside annual tax — Whaling. — -Magistrates and Deputies of 1648 — Salary of governor and deputy-governor. — Bankside farmers. — Stratford ferry. — Uncoway Creek mill. — Military laws. — Indians of Stamford. — Uncas sent to Stamford. — Thomas Newton leaves Fairfield. — Connecticut patent — Cambridge platform. — Death of Charles I I

xxvi CONTENTS

CHAPTER II

I 650- I 660

WARS AND RUMORS OF WARS

Original plats of Fairfield and Pequonnock.— Planters and heads of families.— Assistant and deputies of 1650.— General laws.— Election sermons.— Ludlow a commissioner.— Witch- craft.—Trial and execution of Goodwife Knap.— War between England and Holland — Trouble with Indians.— Dutch vessel seized.— Supposed plot of the Dutch and Indians.— Fears of a general massacre.— Preparations for war.— England sends arms and ammuni- tion.—Ludlow chief military officer.— Pirates.— Commissioners at Boston.— Agents .sent to England for assistance.— Preparations at New Amsterdam.- Severity of colonial laws. —Invitation to Charles II. to come to America.— Oliver Cromwell Lord Protector of England —John Underbill.— Two Dutch war vessels enter Black Rock harbor.— Death of Governor Haynes.— A fast.— Fairfield declares war against the Dutch.— Ludlow leaves the country.— His detention by New Haven.— Sails for Virginia.— English fleet arrives at Boston— Peace proclaimed between England and Holland.— War declared against the Indians.— Six men to join the army from Fairfield.— General training day.— List of estates.— General Thanksgiving.— Major Willard's course.— Pequots awarded land.— Care of arms and ammunition.— Trouble with the Indians.— Pits for wolves.— Military laws for Indians.— Games— Lotteries.— Town limits extended.— Efforts to pacify Indians.— General fast— Great mortality.— Probate Judges.— Colony tax.— Customhouse duties. — Temperance laws.— Commissioners —Law for magistrates. — Thanksgiving 64

CHAPTER III I 660- I 670

PROGRESS OF FAIRFIELD

Prosperity of Fairfield. — Military laws. — Change in the Constitution for the election of governors. — Pequonnock Indians.— First cavalry force of Fairfield. — Thanksgiving. — Patent desired. — Affairs in England.— Fairfield's acknowledged allegiance to Charles II. — Annual tax. — Sasqua lands. — Rate of dividend. —Town officers. — James Beers. — Free- men.— Indian deed of Sasqua. — Assistants and deputies of 1661. — Norwalk and Strat- ford bounds. — Schools. — Efforts to obtain a charter. — Tax. — Wolves. — Leather sealers. — Assistants and deputies of 1662. — Corn and tobacco. — Cavalry drill. — Fence committee. — Richard Ogden's mill. — The charter. — Stamford.— Captain John Youngs. — Salary of troopers. — Free trade. — Burning fields. — Trouble with New Haven. — John Adams. — A.ssistants and deputies of 1663. — Particular Courts at Fairfield. — Boundary. — Watch- men.— Indians forbidden to enter towns at night. — New Haven and New Amsterdam. — Rights of town officers. — Henry Rowland, tavern keeper. — Thomas Pell's purchase of Westchester, etc. — Grant to the Duke of York. — Captain John Scott. — Public fast. — Fleet from England to reduce the Dutch. — Surrender of the Dutch. — Ecclesiastical liberties. — Union with New Haven colony. — War between England and Holland. — Pounds. — Rev. Samuel Wakeman. — List of estates. — Superior Courts at Hartford. — The King favors Connecticut. — Banksidc farmers — Fairfield county. — Property taken for

CONTENTS XXVll

debts. — Bears. — Fairfield to prepare troops, militia and vessels for the war. — Peace between England, France and Holland.— Public thanksgiving.— Strangers not to live in Fairfield. — Town notes. — County prisons.— Grant of land to Major Nathan Gold. — County troops. — Ecclesiastical assembly and committee.— Assistants and deputies of 1669. — Riding pace.— Lawful measures I02

CHAPTER IV

I 670- I 680

AN INTERESTING DECADE

Social customs.— Assistant and deputies of 1670.— New Milford.— Sheep raising.— Weights and measures.— Minister at Rye.— Church and School lands.— Richard Osborn.— East and west dividends.— Assistant and deputies of 1672.— Rye and Norwalk committees — John Wheeler's grant. — War between England and Holland. — Nathan Gold commander- in-chief of Fairfield county.— Colony laws.— Grant of lands to Jehu Burr and Rev. Samuel Wakeman.— Published laws.— Postal route.— News of the English capture of New Amsterdam.— Action of the General Assembly.— Contemplated reduction of the Dutch —Weapons of warfare. — Town improvements.— Prizes taken by the Dutch.— War tax.— Vigilance of Fairfield.— Peace between England and Holland.— Rev. Eliphalet Jones sent to Rye.— General training at Fairfield.— Overland mail between New York and Boston.— The Duke of York claims all Connecticut.— Governor Andros in New York.— General fast in Connecticut —Indian outrages.— Troops disbanded.— Acts for religious duties in families.— To Christianize the Indians' marriages.— Sabbaths I44

CHAPTER V

I 68 0-1690

THE DECADE OF THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION

Claim of John Wampus. — First prison on Meeting-house green. — Magistrates of 1680 —Trade and Navigation.— Indian " troubles.— Fairfield troops.— Bedford.— Edward Randolph, deputy for New England.— Henry Wakeley.— Branding.— Ship building.— Purchase of Old Indian Field.— Court of admiralty.— Fairfield estates.— Meeting-house repairs.— Military colors. — Blight of crops, and great sickness.— Sign post.— Non-residents — Pirates. — Silver coins. — Connecticut boundary-line.— Major Gold sent to New York. — . Danbury.— Death of Charles II.— James II. proclaimed King— Fairfield patent.— Royal letters.— Writs of Quo Warranto.— Edward Randolph.— Highway across Golden-hill.— Petition to the King. — Governor Dongan.— Sir Edmund Andros.— Boundary between Fairfield and Norwalk.— Nathan Gold, Jehu Burr and John Banks disfranchised.— Wil- .liam Whiting.— Danbury made a town.— Governor Andros assumes command of Con- necticut.—The Charter Oak.— Governor Andros' Council— John Perry, postman.— French and Indians.— Major Gold and Jehu Burr reinstated.— Oppressive laws of Andros.— Andros' proclamation.- Rev. Increase Mather.— Abdication of James II.— William and

XXviii CONTENTS

Mary.— Andros imprisoned.— Connecticut magistrates restored to office.— William and Mary proclaimed in New England towns.— Address to the King and Queen.— Major Gold ambassador to New York.— Connecticut troops sent to New York.— French and Indian depredations.— Rev. Increase Mather's success in England.— Preparation for war with the Canadians and Indians •

CHAPTER VI

1 690- 1 700

CHURCHES, SCHOOLS, GOVERNMENT

Prosperity of the town. — French and Indian war.— Loss at Schenectady. — Military rule. — Fairfield troops at Albany. — Military tax. — Matthew Sherwood, captain of dragoons. — John Burr, captain of militia. — Embargo on grain and provisions. — Agent to England. — First colonial congress in America — Magistrates of 1690. — Expedition against Quebec. — Tyranny of Leisler. — Friendship of the Mohawks. — Fugitive slaves. — Fairfield village and school. — Salt manufactories. — Connecticut charter. — Latin schools. — Fairfield village church and members.— Rev. Charles Chauncy. — Death of Rev. Samuel Wakeman. — Rev. Joseph Webb, third pastor of Christ's church.— Grover's hill. — Town acts.— Witchcraft. —Men and Indians sent to defend Maine and Massachusetts. — Military claims of Col. Fletcher.— Major Winthrop sent to England. — Fairfield taxed. — Fairfield village and parish. — Postal laws. — Powder money.— Agents sent to the Five Nations. — Death of Queen Mary. — Parish records of Fairfield and church covenant. — Piracy and Captain Kidd. — Value of Silver. — Maintenance for ministers.— Expedition to New Foundland. — The Eari of Bellomont.— County courts.— Epidemic of 1698. — The king's highway and postal routes.— College in Connecticut.— Magistrates of 1699. — Counterfeiting. — I,aws for Fairfield village. — Official fees. — Preservation of forests. — Founders of Yale college 255

Ij o ft o' Is L a 77 f7. S o rvjv <i^

A MAP OK EARLY FAIRFIELD.

HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD

CHAPTER I 1639— 1650

DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT

Discovery of Uncoway. — Its natural advantages. — Roger Ludlow's commission to settle Pequon- nock. — Indians of the country. — First purchase of Indian lands. — Character of the country. — Samp-mortar Rock. — Pequot Swamp. — Named Fairfield. — Ludlow's companions. — First five home lots. — Ludlow fined. — His apology. — Settlements of Stamford and New Haven. — Fear of an English governor. — Connecticut patent. — Indian purchases and privileges. — Laws. — Constables. — State archives. — Courts. — Ludlow lays out the town. — Additional planters. — Ludlow purchases Norwalk. — Spring of 1640. — Ludlow a judge of the General Court. — Colony prison. — Mere-stones. — Tobacco. — First town and school-house. — Planters of 1640. — Home industry. — Improvement of lands. — Trade. — Pipe-staves. — Fencing. — Hides. — Flax. — Pequonnock bounds. — Uncoway Indian tribute. — Sumptuary laws. — Imports and exports. — Shipping. — Truthfulness. — Trouble with the Dutch. — Creditors and debtors. — Ludlow deputy-governor. — Indian troubles. — Militia called out. — Condition of the planters in 1642. — Assistants and Deputies of 1643. — Arms forbidden the Indians. — Jurors. — Confederation of the colonies. — Grand-jurors. — Marriages. — Plantations guarded. — Governor Stuyvesant. — Indians rise at Stamford. — General fast proclaimed. — Fairfield Indians troublesome. — Ludlow's prompt action. — General combination of the Indians. — General Court laws for town courfs, merchandise, liquors, inns, land, fences, town clerks, and trade with the Indians. — Mills. — Long Island Indians — Bequest of Wilham Frost to Christ's Church. — Maintenance of ministers and students at Harvard College. — Herdsmen. — Marks of private cattle, etc. — Magistrates and Deputies of 1645. — Training days. — Colony fair. — General tax for pur- chasing Saybrook fort. — War between Uncas and the Narragansetts. — War declared against the Narragansetts. — Peace established in August. — Assistants and Deputies of 1645. — Jury trials. — Criminals not allowed to vote. — Governor Haynes to visit the Indian reservations. — Dutch and Indian troubles. — Tobacco. — Guards for the Sabbath and lecture days at Fairfield. — Seaside annual tax. — Whaling. — Magistrates and Deputies of 1648. — Salary of governor and deputy-governor. — Bankside farmers. — Stratford ferry. — Uncoway Creek mill. — Military laws. — Indians of Stamford. — Uncas sent to Stamford. — Thomas Newton leaves Fairfield. — Connecticut patent. — Cambridge platform. — Death of Charles I.

In the subjugation of the powerful tribe of Indians known as the Pequots, in the great fight at Sasqua or Pequot-swamp, the pioneers of Connecticut achieved an important victory, one which in its results has scarcely a parallel in the history of warfare. Peace with the much-dreaded savages who roamed at will about the feeble settlements, and in fact throughout all New England, was thereby secured. Prosperity followed quickly after days of great adversity ; and the planters found themselves not only in position to extend their own borders, but to enlarge the juris-

I

2 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1639

diction of the colony by beginning plantations along the coast of Long Island Sound.

In noting the many providences of God which overshadowed them during this war, one of special interest to the sons and daughters of Fair- field, was the discovery of the fair fields of Uncoway.* For want of pas- ture for their cattle, good land for cultivation, and a bountiful supply of water, many of the planters of Plymouth and Massachusetts had emigrated to the banks of the Connecticut; but here at Uncoway they found the long sought for country, beautiful beyond all other spots which they had yet discovered. Here were meadow lands rich with the deposits of ages ; grand old forests and majestic hills overlooking some of the most pictur- esque scenes in New England. Here, too, were fresh springs, rivers, ponds and streamlets of pure sweet waters; and sweeping as far as the eye could reach from east to west rolled the blue waters of Long Island Sound, across which, against the southern horizon, lay Sewanhacky, the Island of Shells or Long Island.

To return to this beautiful country, and to rear on the scene of the great Pequot victory an English town, became the aim of the deputy- governor, Roger Ludlow. He succeeded in obtaining a commission from the General Court of Connecticut to begin a plantation at Pequonnock, during the summer or early autumn of 1639 ; and with four others set out on his journey thither. Upon his arrival he entered into a treaty with the chief sachems of Pequonnock, of whom he purchased "all the lands lying west of the Stratford bounds to the Sasqua or Mill river, and from the Mill river south-westward to the east bounds of the Maxumux Indian lands; and from the Sound, seven or eight miles into the wilderness," all of which lands were claimed by the Pequonnock Indians.f

The Indians of this region were no doubt glad to enter into a friendly alliance with the English, whom, since their remarkable victory over the Pequots, they must have regarded as beings endowed with super- natural power. In order to secure protection from their deadly enemies the Mohawks, who yearly made a descent upon them to collect a tribute which was rigidly exacted, they agreed to give Governor Ludlow an annual tribute of furs, wampum and corn.

* In the town records the Indian name of Fairfield is almost invariably spelled Uncoway : in the colonial Records Uncoa and Uncowaye. Unquowa, while a more modern style of orthography, is not as soft in its pronounciation as that of Uncoa. The author has adopted that found in the Town Records, as the one most familiar to the ear of the early settlers. There is but little doubt, however, that the accent should fall on the second syllable, and that Unc^wa and Unr^waye were accented alike.

f Unfortunately, the deed of this purchase has been lost ; but is happily supplied in the deed dated 20 March, 1656. Letter A, Fairfield Town Deeds, p. 437.

1639] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 3

There were several hundred Indians divided into clans who claimed the lands of Pequonnock, Uncoway and Sasqua. The Pequonnock Indians appear to have been a branch of the Paugusetts, living on the east side of the Housatonic, and the Wepawags on the west side of the river. They were at one time supposed to be two distinct tribes ; but it has been decided by students of the aborigines of Connecticut, that they were one and the same, as the names of their chief sachems are found attached to deeds of lands, both of Milford and Stratford. The territories of this clan stretched several miles along the coast and included the Nor- walke Indians. After the Indians of Pequonnock made a formal sale of their lands to Roger Ludlow, they settled upon Golden Hill — so named from the mica found in the soil — and were ever afterwards called the Golden Hill tribe.

The Uncoway Indians occupied the territory lying west of Pequon- nock, to the eastern borders of Sasqua or Mill river. The name of Sas- quannock appears to have been applied to all the lands lying west of this river, as far as the Sasco river. The name of Munchunchoser Sasqug * appears to have been given to the lands and small islands in Pine creek and on Sasco hill, lying on the east side of Mill river bordering the Sound. The Maxumux Indians claimed the lands west of the small stream called Sasco river, about a mile along the coast to the Compang or Compaw lands, and extending into the wilderness to the borders of the Aspetuck river. The Compangs or Compaws occupied the land west of Maxumux as far as the Saugatuck river. North of these, scattered along the borders of the Aspetuck river, lived the Aspetucks.f The sachem of this tribe was called the chief sachem of Aspetuck and Sasquannock or Sasquaugh. :{:

The principal fort of the Pequonnock and Uncoway Indians was at the head of the stream or cove which runs from Black Rock harbor, a de- scription of which, and the number of Indians living in it, has happily been preserved by Thomas Wheeler, sr., a descendant of one of the first settlers at Black Rock. It is as follows :

"Captain Thomas Wheeler (the first settler of Black creek village in 1640) came to Black Rock, and at the old lot built a stone house with a flat roof of plank, on which he

* Will of William Frost, Col. Rec. of Conn., i., 465. Will of Thomas Wheeler, sr., Fair- field Probate Records, 1648-56.

There seems to be no good reason for this name being attached to the Maxumux lands.

f The Aspetuck is a branch of the Saugatuck, and forms part of the boundary line between Weston and Greenfield, flows through Redding and has its source in Danbury.

A branch of the Aspetuck Indians also lived on the borders of a small river of the same name at New Milford, which empties into the Housatonic.

X Col. Rec. Conn., iii., 282.

4 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1639

mounted two four pounders, one pointed towards the mouth of the harbor, the other at an Indian fort situated at the head of the harbor, now known by the name of Old Fort. This place the Fairfield Indians had built for their defense against some of the nuenor tribes with whom they were perpetually at war. It was composed of palisades joined to- gether, and at each corner a room was built out with port holes. It contained about an acre of ground, and was garrisoned by about two hundred Indians."

The almost impregnable, natural fortress at Pequot swamp, was sur- rounded on all sides by a wide ditch of bogs and water, thickly grown trees and a dense under-growth of alder and birch.

As the English purchased lands of the Indians, reservations of suffi- cient numbers of acres for their use were set apart to satisfy them. Besides the Golden Hill reservation, the Uncoways retained several acres near Old Fort, on the east side of the Uncoway river, upon which they lived for many years after the town was settled. They also reserved a number of acres of samp-mortar rock and mill plain. " In the rich valley south of the rock was a large Indian town ; and at the very foot of the precipice there appears to have been a burying ground." "^^ The Sasqua Indians reserved lands at Sasco, a little west of Pequot swamp. The Maxumux Indian reservation lay east of Frost point and on Clapboard hill.

The tract of land purchased by Roger Ludlow for the town of Fair- field embraced within its boundaries the Uncoway and Sasqua rivers, the fine harbors of Pequonnock and Black Rock, and a good harbor at Sasqua. The Black Rock harbor is one of the finest on the New England coast, vessels of large size being able to enter at any time of the tide. The principal islands in 1639 were Fairweather, which forms the east chop of Black Rock harbor, and Thompson's island, now called Penfield reef, and the Fairfield bar. The latter island, except at unusual high tides, in early days, was reached from the main land by a small strip of land. It is de- scribed by some of the oldest and most intelligent gentlemen of Fairfield as having been an island about a mile or more in length and covered with meadows, upon which cattle grazed and a few trees and berries were found. t There was also Flat and several small inland islands, particularly in Sasco neck, now called Pine creek.

" Gazetteer of Connecticut and Rhode Island, by John E. Pease and John M. Niles, p. 171.

f Testimony of Capt. Anson Bibbins, Mrs. Abram Benson and Mr. Edmund Hobart, of Fairfield.

The east end of this island was protected from the action of the waves and storms by a high, strong breastwork of rocks and cobble-stones. Several years after the settlement of the town, vessels from Boston, New York and other places carried away cargoes of these cobble-stones for paving purposes, until the town passed a vote prohibiting their removal. Meanwhile, the loss of those already carried away caused the waves and tides to sweep over the island, washing away the

1639] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 5

The surface of the country on the Sound, while moderately even, grad- ually rises in a succession of fine rolling hills and gentle declivities. Large quantities of peat were found by the early settlers in the swamps, of which they made considerable use for fuel. By many it was thought val- uable for manure, which, when laid upon the ground in heaps, soon crum- bled and improved fields under cultivation. The sea-weed of the Sound also proved a valuable fertilizer.

The soil, which is mainly of gravelly loam, is described in the early history of the settlement as generally rich and very productive. There are also sections of primitive argillaceous loam and some tracts of allu- vial soil. No minerals of value exist. A copper mine is mentioned in the will of Lieutenant Richard Hubbell of Stratfield, as situated " a little above y^ Pine swamp at y* upper end of Stratfield bounds."* At Pequon- nock and at Greenfield there are quarries of freestone. A whetstone quarry is mentioned in the early records of the town. The most impor- tant one, however, is the Bluestone Hill quarry, about a mile north of Greenfield centre, which the first settlers used for grave-stones and build- ing purposes.

Fine oaks of all kinds abounded in early days, as well as chestnut, hickory, cherry, several kinds of maples, beech, birch, white and red ash, elm, butternut, white wood, buttonwood, basswood, poplar, sassafras, hemlock, spruce, cedar and pine. The white wood, notable for its height and magnitude, made excellent boards and clapboards. Beech trees of considerable height extended along the beach from tlie Uncoway river to Kenzie's point, the roots of which, with those of the beach-grass, formed a strong breastwork against the encroachment of the tides and storms. Noble pines covered the islands of Pine creek, from which it derived its name.

Wild fruits were abundant, and a great variety of wild flowers of ex- quisite texture and tints adorned the woods, meadows and hill-sides. The Sound furnished some of the most exquisite sea-mosses to be found on the New England coast. The deer, bear, wolf, fox, otter, mink, muskrat, and an endless number of squirrels afforded furs valuable for barter. Wild cats, bears, wolves and other ferocious animals were discovered in large numbers at " Devil's-den," which took its name from that fact. A descrip-

sand and soi], and making anew current for the tide, whicli ruslied between the Cows and Penfield reef with great force, throwing, in high winds and storms, roclcs, stones, sand and gravel from the east and west — forming in the course of time the natural causeway, upon the south-east end of which the government has erected a light-house. Edmund Hobart states that many of the stones on this causeway have been thrown up in cakes of ice in the winter by the wind and waves." * Fairfield Probate Records, 1734.

6 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1639

tion of the sources of wealth at Fairfield in those days is given in William Wheeler's journal. " Land was cheap and produced large crops. Labor was cheap — there were many Indians who would work for small wages. In those golden times there was plenty of game— ducks of which there were twenty species of black ducks and broadbills, hundreds if not thousands in a flock, which were very tame— wild geese very fat in large numbers but more shy. Pigeons in Autumn so wonderfully plenty that forty dozen have been caught in a net in one morning at one spot. Black Rock beach was the place to take them, where the pigeon houses were situated at short distances apart. Pigeons flew so thick one year that at noon, it is said, the sun could not be seen for two hours — prodigious numbers were seen — being tired alighting in the sound, and perishing in the water. The waters brought forth abundantly 'various kinds of fish— shad in prodigious quan- tities, but bass were the fish they caught most plentifully, taking in at Black Rock sixty or eighty in a night ; occasionally some of them weighing as heavy as twenty-eight pounds. Clams, oysters and escallops more than could be eaten.' Eels and smelt swarmed in the waters. White-fish were so plentiful that they were drawn in by nets, and distributed for manure upon the lands. Beside these, lobsters, crabs, mussels and other inferior shell-fish were found in great quantities. The fresh water streams afforded trout, lamper-eels and turtles of considerable size. Occasionally whales made their appearance in the Sound ; and the porpoise was a frequent spectacle, measuring his length in the air and then disappearing beneath the waters."

Among the natural curiosities of the town is a spot called samp-mortar rock. This rock forms a distinct feature in the geographical history of Fairfield. It occupies a central position on the west side of Mill river, about two miles from the Sound, between Fairfield and Greenfield. Ledge upon ledge of huge rocks project from the side of a hill, forming a preci- pice of about eighty feet in height. A granitic ridge runs northerly for some distance. A gradual and easy ascent leads to the summit of the hill, upon which is to be found a large flat rock, on which patches of lichens and mosses abound ; and in which, almost on the very brink of this preci- pice, is a round opening in the form of a mortar, capable of holding about half a bushel of corn. At a convenient distance is an indenture which the Indians are said to have used for a seat while pulverizing corn in the mortar; and just below it is another smaller indenture for supporting the feet. This novel corn mill gave the name of samp-mortar to the place.

For many years tourists believed that this excavation was a work of art hewn out by the Indians ; but as in many of the rocks beneath it are

1639] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 7

found like holes of smaller size, modern scientists are induced to believe it the result of the action of water at some glacial period. Calm reasoning, however, naturally inclines to the hypothesis, that whatever effect the floods of time produced, the Indians had much to do with the depth and size of this mortar ; and that. if " the constant dropping of water will wear away a stone," certainly the action of an Indian chisel or stone hatchet against stone, will in a much shorter time make like progress. It has been remiarked that "this mortar, which may be considered as a primitive grain- mill, is not more important as a monument of the aboriginal inhabitants than as an illustration of the origin and progress of the arts. It was a great improvement upon the more simple and rude method of pulverizing corn which preceded it — that of pounding the kernels between two stones. To such rude and simple discoveries as this, can the most noble and useful inventions in the arts be traced." ^

Pequot swamp was until 1835 another natural curiosity of the town. It was so named from the famous swamp fight between the New England- ers and the Pequots, which will ever make it remarkable in the annals of local history. The rise of ground in its centre, which had the appearance of an artificial mound, was a natural hill. For a long time it was supposed to be the work of the Indians, and filled with their graves; but when Pequot Avenue was opened in 1835, it became necessary to make a passage through it. This was done by tunneling through the centre, as the ground above was frozen hard. Most of the men of the place were sea captains, who employed their leisure hours in the winter in making this excavation. They found but one Indian skeleton, and to their surprise discovered, by the different strata of earth, that the supposed mound was a natural hill, f The open hill for many years formed walls on either side of the road, which are now leveled, so that only a faint vestige of the hill is to be seen. This historic swamp lies northwest of the residence of the late Hon. Jonathan Godfrey, of Southport, and only a few rods west of the New York, Nev/ Haven and Hartford Railroad, which crosses Pequot Avenue.

Supplied with everything which opens avenues of comfort and wealth, the pioneers of Uncoway could scarcely fail to look forward with happy anticipations for the prosperity of their town. Others were soon induced to join them from Massachusetts and the Connecticut river settlements.

* Gazetteer of Connecticut, p. 171.

f Testimony of Messrs. Jonathan Godfrey, Francis D. Perry, and Paul Sheffield of Southport, who M'itnessed the excavation. This highway, which was also the old stage-road from the village to the King's highway, is the only street which rightly should bear the name of Pequot Avenue ; but by some singular misunderstandmg the name has been attached to one of the main streets of Southport.

8 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1639

The Indian name of Uncoway, signifying ^(? further, gave place to that of Fairfield, which was happily applied to the fair fields and rich meadows of the town.

Unfortunately, Fairfield, like Windsor and the other early settlements, was not supplied with proper record books until 1648, at which date the town and probate records still extant commenced. The statement that Roger Ludlow carried away the early town records was a traditional one, and without foundation. The town and probate records, which began in 1648, were continued without interruption for many years after he left the country. He was not the town clerk when he left Fairfield. That office was occupied by William Hill, jr. More than a hundred years after Roger Ludlow left America, Letter A of Town Deeds was missing, and not found until within the present century, when it was restored to its place in the record office. It contains over six hundred pages of fine and close writing- in the English court hand. The volume is now over two hundred years old, and this and the probate records and Letter B of Town Votes are the oldest relics of the pen tracings and autographs of our fore- fathers. The first notice of the recovery of this volume is due to the Rev. Thomas Davis of Green's Farms, who refers to it in his admirable bi-cen- tennial address delivered at Green's Farms, March 29, 1839.*

The work which the pioneers of Connecticut accomplished within the space of four years was wonderful. They had but little time for aught beyond the protection of their homes and firesides, and the labor neces- sary for the well-being of the colony. All documents of value were by an order of the General Court recorded at Hartford. Town deeds of lands and records were kept in a fragmentary manner. Twelve of the first pages of the first alphabetical book, entitled, Letter A, Town Deeds of Fairfield, and also several pages from Letter B, of Town Votes, which were begun as early as the town and probate records (1648) have been lost. Fortunately, however, in the latter part of Book A of Town Deeds is to be found the following valuable record, which at once supplies, not only the names of those who first accompanied Governor

* The best proof of this fact was found by the author — in a volume of land records in the state archives of the capitol at Hartford. Attached to a paper, giving liberty to Henry Gray and John Green to settle at Maxumux, is the following statement made in William Hill's hand-writing : " The above said is a true copy of the original paper that I found on file, of the Court acts left with me as dark by Mr Ludlow ; the frontispiece of the original writing I have not copied, it being so defaced and worn through age, that I could not take a copy thereof, but found it was an agreement between the town of Fairfield and the above said parties and the Court, being the tenth day of November, 1648.

(Signed) William Hill, Clark."

1639] DISCOVERY AxND SETTLEMENT g

Ludlow to Fairfield, but gives a valuable clue to the first laying out of the town. It is as follows :

"The testimony of John Green aged fifty eight years, or there-abouts, testifies as fol- loweth : that about the first settUng of the town of Fairfield, Thomas Staples, Thomas New- ton, Edward Jessop & Edmund Strickland, having home-lots in y^ rear of y'^ lots that Mr. Ludlow's lot lay in, y^ said four above sd. persons, agreed that y« sd. Thomas Staples should take his lot at ye rear of all y« four lots, & cut all those lots so much y« shorter, which according to y^ first laying out there, was as long as Mr. Ludlow's lot, but giving y^ said Thomas Staples some allowance in measure, he had his lot taken out of y^ rear of all their lots, & upon ye sd. Thomas Staples remove at y^ rear of ye lots: ye sd. Thomas Newton, Edward Jessop & Edmund Strickland did engage to ye sd. Thomas Staples to make & maintain forever ye reare fence for their respective lots that butted upon ye sd. Thomas Staples lot, & further this deponent saith not. This is a true copy of Taken, upon oath before

ye original recorded & me this 28. Nov. 1672.

compared this i. of Feb 1688. William Hill,

by me, Nathan Gold, Recorder. Commissioner."

Town Book A. of Deeds, page 593.

Turning from this important record to the first pages of the book in which it is found, the names of Edward Jessop and Emund Strickland have disappeared from the square. Edward Jessop early sold most of his lands at Fairfield and went to Stamford, and afterwards settled at New- town, Long Island. Edmund Strickland also went to Long Island and settled at Middleburg. Their home lots at Fairfield were afterwards occu- pied by Robert Hawkins and John Barlow, sr. The boundaries of Roger Ludlow's land and that of Thomas Newton's fully corroborate, as will be seen, the statement of John Green :

"4. Fel:). 1653. Granted to Roger Ludlow from the town one home-lot of five acres, more or less, bounded northeast with the highway ; northwest with the highway ; south- west with the land of Thomas Morehouse ; & on the sourheast with the highway. *

2. Dec. 1653. Alexander Bryant of Milford, purchased of Thomas Newton a dwell- ing-house, barn & home-lot, containing two acres & a half, more or less, bounded on the north east with the land of Thomas Morehouse, sometimes John Barlow's ; south east with the highway ; south west with tlie Land of Robert Hawkins ; & on the north west with the land of Thomas Staples. " +

From these two records it will be seen that the five lots in this square were in 1653 occupied by Roger Ludlow, Thomas Morehouse, Thomas Newton, Robert Hawkins and Thomas Staples, the two lots first owned by Edward Jessop and Edmund Strickland having passed, before the town

* A, Town Deeds, p. 86. f A, Town Deeds, p. 56.

lO

HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [i639

records were begun, into the possession of Robert Hawkins and John Barlow, sr. The lot of the latter again passed into the possession of Thomas Morehouse,

This square, which should always bear the name of Ludlow square, is the one lying north of that on which the Congregational church now stands. Roger Ludlow had also a pasture lot granted him of six acres " on the northeast side of the highway that runs down by the home-lot, bounded southeast, southwest, & northwest by the commons & highways, & north- east by the Windsor-field," the present residence of Mrs. Abraham Ben- son.

Having accomplished the object of his journey, Roger Ludlow re- turned to Hartford and appeared before the session of the General Court, held on the loth of October, 1639. He had been fined ten shillings for absence from a court held on the loth of September. He therefore took occasion at this time to apologize for his absence, as well as for having begun a plantation at Uncoway instead of Pequonnock. He said : " Mr. Deputy informed the Court that he hath understood since his return, of- fence hath beene taken att some of his p'cedings in his late jorney to Pequannocke, and the parts thereabouts: he therefore desired to make knowne what had beene done by him therein, w*='' was this; Att his com- ing downe to Ouinnipiocke the hand of the Lord was uppon him in taking away some of his Cattle, w*^'' prevented him in some of his purposes there for selling some of them : Afterwards att his coming to Pequannocke he found cause to alter his former thoughts of wintering his Cattle there, and understanding that the beginnings of a Plantacon beyond that was not caryed on according to the agreement made with those who were inter- essed in ordering the same, and that by some things w*^'' appeared to him, his apprehensions were that some others intended to take up the sayd place, who had not acquainted this Court with their purposes therein, w'^^ might be preiudiciall to this Comonwealth, and knowing himselfe to be one of those to whom the disposel of that plantacon was comitted, he ad- ventured to drive his Cattle thither, make provition for them there, and to sett out himselfe and some others house lotts to build on there, and sub- mitts himselfe to the Court to judge whether he hath transgressed the Comission or nott."

The court, taking the circumstances of the case into consideration, saw fit to reprimand Ludlow, for having transgressed the bounds of his com- mission. They did not see why he should be excused for his neglect of duty in not having given notice to the court "of what he did, notwith- standing his allegations of the inconveniences which otherwise might have

1639] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT II

occurred : yet, that the thing might more fully appear as he had repre- sented, & that matters might be ordered in a comely manner," Gov- ernor John Haynes and Mr. Thomas Wells were appointed a committee " to repair thither & take a view of the aforesaid occasions, & if, in their judgment, both persons & things settled by him, be soe as com- fortably be confirmed, they remain as they are, or otherwise altered att their discrestion ; & they are to report things how they find them, to the next General Court, that a full issue may be given to the matter in hand, as things shall then appear." *

Governor Haynes and Mr. Wells were also appointed to administer the oath of fidelity to the planters of Pequonnock; make such free as they saw fit ; order them to send two deputies to the two General Courts in April and September ; and for all suits of law under forty shillings to hold court among themselves, and to choose seven men among them with liberty to appeal to the General Court. Seargant Nichols t was for the time being appointed to train and exercise the men in military discipline. The committee were also to consult with Mr, Prudens, of the Stratford plantation, and to settle the difference between them and the Pequonnock planters as to who had most right to the places in controversy, and most need of them, and to determine whatever was " most agreeable to equity and reason."

The reference made by Ludlow " to the beginnings of a plantation beyond Uncoa," was without doubt to Rippowams or Stamford, which had been visited by Andrew Ward, Robert Coe, Francis Bell, and others from Wethersfield, about the same time he received a commission to begin a settlement at Pequonnock,:];

The colony of New Haven was settled in 1638, by the Rev, John Davenport, Theophilus Eaton and other gentlemen of influence and wealth, who arrived at Boston on the 26th of July, 1637. " Having heard of the pursuit of the Pequots, & the fine tract along the shore from Saybrook to Fairfield, Mr. Eaton & others in the fall of 1637, made a journey to Connecticut, & having explored the coast along the Sound, pitched upon Quinnipiac for their settlement," They undoubtedly in-

*Coll. Record, Connecticut i, 35, 36.

f Probably Isaac Nichols, of Stratford. Ibid,, i, 36.

X It does not appear, as has been suggested, that Ludlow referred to Stratford, which was settled about the same time that the settlement of Fairfield was begun, for he would then have had no excuse for seizing upon lands further west than his commission granted. The fear, he states " that some others intended to take up the said place, who had not acquainted that court with their purposes." led him to push on and seize upon the lands west of Pequonnock, as far as the little Sasqua river.

12 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1639

tended to form a colony of sufficient size and strength to exist separate and apart from all others. The Connecticut colony, therefore, had reasons for being on the alert, lest the opulent planters of New Haven should by purchase of the natives lay claim to all the lands lying along the Sound. These planters who accompanied the Rev. John Davenport to New Eng- land were men of good character and wealth, who, out of love and respect to their pastor, had followed him to the New World. Unlike the suffering colonists of Plymouth, Massachusetts and Connecticut, who had spent the money they brought to this country in the purchase of cattle, and neces- sary supplies to be forwarded from England, they were new comers, with handsome fortunes at command. Mr. Theophilus Eaton had been deputy- governor of the East India company, an ambassador from England to the King of Denmark, and was a rich London merchant. Their project was to have a great trading city in New England, and to found a distinct colony.*

It would appear from the apology of Ludlow, that the planters who had gone from Wethersfield to Rippowams, had not gained permission from the General Court of the Connecticut colony to begin that settle- ment; but on the contrary, had joined the colony of New Haven, the names of Andrew Ward and Francis Bell having been enrolled in the list of New Haven freemen in 1639 from Rippowams.

Ludlow, therefore, had the sagacity and far-seeing policy to secure as much land west of Pequonnock, as would entitle the colony of Connec- ticut to Black Rock, one of the finest harbors on the Sound, and the two excellent harbors of Pequonnock and Sasqua or Mill river; also to claim by purchase from the natives, all the lands stretching from the west bounds of Stratford to the western limits of the Sasqua Indian lands. The wisdom of his course was evident, when, in July, 1640, Captain Tur- ner, as agent of the New Haven colony, bought of Ponus, sagamore of Toquams, and of Wascussue, sagamore of Shippan, all the grounds belonging to the said Sagamores, except a piece of ground which Ponus reserved for himself and the other Indians to plant upon. Thus the plantation of Rippowams or Toquams and Shippan fell under the jurisdic- tion of the New Haven colony. In October following the planters of Rippowams or Stamford purchased this plantation from the New Haven planters. f

The colonists throughout New England greatly feared that a governor might be sent out from England. Each colony therefore became zealous to acquire as much territory as possible, and to begin plantations as

* Trumbull's History of Connecticut. f New Haven Colony Record, i, 45.

1639] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 1 3

speedily as safety would permit. The leading men came to New England to establish a republican form of government, to elect their chief magis- trate from among themselves, and to be a republic in all save the name, — while as yet in their infancy they were under a monarchy. Each founder of a new colony aspired to be its chief magistrate ; hence there arose a strife between the Connecticut and New Haven colonies to enlarge their territories, as a matter of political power.

Connecticut and New Haven were, in reality, without patents to their lands. They were simply subjects of the mother-country, having seized upon and occupied a portion of the lands claimed by the Warwick patent. This patent was conveyed on the 19th of March, 163 1, by the Earl of Warwick, president of the Council of Plymouth, under his hand and seal, to the Honorable Viscount Say and Seal, Robert Lord Brooks, Robert Lord Rich and their associates to the number of eleven, and to their heirs and assigns and associates forever. It embraced : " All that part of New England in America, which lies & extends itself from a river there called the Narragansett river, the space of forty leagues upon a straight line near the sea shore towards the southwest, as the coast lieth towards Virginia, accounting three English miles to the league, & also all & singular the lands & hereditaments whatsoever, lying & being within the bounds aforesaid, north & south in latitude & breadth, & in length & longitude, of & within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands there, from the western ocean to the south sea," * or the Pacific Ocean.

It also included all the islands within its limits on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Accounting three English miles to a league, gives the coast line of this patent 120 miles. "This grant extends from Point Judith to New York ; & from thence in a west line to the south sea ; & if we take the Narragansett river, in its whole length, this tract will extend as far north as Worcester: it comprehends the whole of the colony of Connecticut & much more, t

Both the Connecticut and New Haven planters, under these circum- stances, were eager to obtain, as early as a favorable opportunity offered, a valid title to the lands they occupied, j^

* In 1630 this tract was granted by the Council of Plymouth to the Earl of Warwick, and the same year confirmed to him by a patent from King Charles I. ; hence it is called the Warwick Patent, and the Old Patent of Connecticut.

f Manuscript of President Clap. See Trumbull's History of Connecticut, i, 28.

:{: The great mistake into which some of our early historians have fallen, has been that of repre- senting the planters of Connecticut patentees of Viscount Say and Seal, Lord Brook and others, whereas, in reality, they never were patentees of those gentlemen. This error appears to have

14 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1639

" In purchasing lands, & in making settlements in the wilderness, the first planters of Connecticut expended great estates ; & many of the adventurers expended more than the lands & buildings were worth, with all the improvements which had been made upon them." After the Pequot war, Uncas and the chiefs of other tribes of Connecticut claimed a native title to their old possessions. The colonists therefore made peace with them by purchasing of their sachem from time to time as much land as they required. Uncas who had been presented with a hundred of the Pequot captives, having been joined by many other Indians, could number about five hundred warriors. As the successor of Sassicus in the Pequot hne of descent, he claimed the* old Pequot grounds at New London and Groton. The colony therefore purchased of him and his successors, all the lands lying within the Mohegan country, and afterwards all the particular towns where a " settlement was made." They were often obliged to renew their league with hini and his successors, the Mohegan sachems, and to make new presents and to take new deeds, in order to preserve the peace of the colony.^* This led to a law being enacted in 1638, whereby the planters were not allowed to purchase lands of the Indians, unless they fully ac- knowledged themselves the lawful possessors of the soil. Every town was required by the General Court to lay out a reservation for the Indians of whom they had purchased their lands, and to give them the privilege of hunting and fishing within their limits, as well as to cut firewood, which custom continued for more than a hundred years after the settlements began. The General Court protected them from their enemies, and from insult, fraud and violence from the planters. At the beginning of a plan- arisen from the idea, that the contract made by the General Court of Connecticut with Mr. Fen- wick, for the purchase of the fort at Saybrook and its appurtenances and lands upon the river, was "a purchase by Connecticut of the jurisdiction right to the territory included in the Earl of War- wick's grant to Viscount Say & Seal & his associates ; or in other words as an assignment to the colony of the old patent of 1632 by Mr. Fenwick & his co-proprietors. It will be seen, however, on referring to the agreement itself, that it is merely a contract of sale of the fort at Say- brook & its appurtenances & lands upon the river — with a pledge on the part of Mr. Fenwick, to convey to the colony, ' if it came into his power' all the lands between Saybrook & the Narragansett river, included in the old patent. Such conveyance does not appear ever to have. been made ; on the contrary, repeated admissions of the General Court, show that it was not made, & that so far as receiving any legal assignment or transfer of the old patent the colony was (so late as 1661) ■w'x'CaovXeven a copy of it,^v^ot fully informed of the rights & privileges which it was supposed to confer. The settlers of the River towns had not — before or after the agreement with Mr. Fenwick — any right of jurisdiction, except such as grew out of occupation, purchase of the native proprietors, or, (in the case of the Pequot country) by right of conquest." — Col. Rec. Conn., i. Appendix. No. III., 569.

* Probably the sobriquet of an ^^Indian-giver" arose from this desire of the Indians to take back what they had already sold or given away.

1639] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT

15

tation, the law required when any company of Indians sat down near it, that they should declare who their chief sachem was, and that the said sachem should pay to the English such trespasses as his men committed by spoiling or killing cattle or swine, either with traps, dogs or arrows. If guilty of Clime against the English, they were to be delivered up to justice by their sachems.

Before following Ludlow back to Uncoway, certain acts of the General Court for the benefit of the towns are worthy of notice. At the same time that he made his apology before the court, he assisted in preparing and offering the following laws, viz. : that all the towns within the juris- diction should each have power to dispose of their own undisposed lands, " and all other commodities arising out of their own limits bounded out by the court, the liberties of the great rivers excepted ; " to choose their own officers ; to impose penalties for any breach of the law ; to estreat and levy the same, and for non-payment to distrain either by seiz- ing upon personal estate or to sell their houses or lands ; to choose 3, 5, or 7 once every year of their chief inhabitants, one of whom should be chosen moderator, who should have a casting voice, in case there should be an equal number of votes; which said persons should meet together every two months, to hear and determine all controversies either by trespass or debts not exceeding 40^ , provided both parties lived in the same town ; and that any two of them should summon parties to appear before their court to answer an action ; to administer the oath to witnesses ; and to give judgment and execution against offending parties. In case of dis- satisfaction, the aggrieved parties were given power to appeal to a higher court.

Each town was ordered to be provided with a ledger book with an alphabetical index, and each book numbered alphabetically ; and to choose a town-clerk or register, who should immediately register every man's land. Every landholder was required to take a record of his lands to the town-clerk within three months under a penalty of 10^ a month. No bargains or mortgages of lands were to be accounted of any value until they were recorded. At each session of the General Court, and once every year, the constables in the several towns, were required to read or cause to read, in some public meeting, all such laws as were then in force.

The oflfice of a constable in those days was one of great importance. "He was the arm of the law and the embodiment of its majesty." From the date of his appointment, the town became a valid incorporation, sub- ject to taxation and entitled to representation. Upon all public occasions he appeared before the court with his long pole surmounted with the

l6 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1639

British emblem of royalty ; and for a time after the Revolution his pole was crowned with the American eagle. For the better keeping in mind of God's providences, which had been " remarkable since their first under- takings," Governor Ludlow and others were appointed to take pains to collect the same from the towns in which they resided, and to bring them in to the next court in April, to be recorded, and kept among the archives at Hartford, which Ludlow faithfully carried out.

Besides the General Court, the court of election, and the justice's court, there was a particular court, which consisted of the deputies or representatives of the General Court, to decide judicial and civil actions, debts and trespasses of over forty shillings. ■■• Upon the adjournment of this session of the General Court, Ludlow returned to Uncoway and con- tinued his labor of laying out the town. Five wide streets were laid out near the old Meeting-house green, two of them running north-east and south-west, and three crossing these, running north-west and south-east to the Sound, f Four squares were laid out, each covering from twenty-five to thirty acres, which remain to-day almost precisely as Ludlow laid them out. These squares will be named after the persons who first settled upon them, viz. : the Ludlow, the Newton, the Frost, and the Burr squares. The first, or Ludlow square, which lies north of the present Congregational Church, has already been mentioned.

The second, or Newton square, lies south-east of the Ludlow square on the opposite side of the street, which, in those days, was called "■ tJie street zukich runs through the centre of the town." A wide street was also opened in the rear of this square, running north-east from Concord street. On the south-west corner of this square, three acres were laid out for the use of the minister called " parsonage land." % The third, or Frost square, lies south-west of the Ludlow square, on the north-east corner of which, about one acre was laid out and formed a part of the Meeting-house green for the purpose of building a meeting-house, court-house, and school-house. The fourth, or Burr square, lies on the south-east side of

* Col. Rec. Conn., i, 36-40.

t The pioneers of New England had every reason to make good use of the compass ; and these streets and squares were no doubt laid out with the compass at hand, as well as the English measuring line of acres, rods, etc. The accurate lines of these streets and squares are north-east and southeast, north-west and south-west. The author has taken the liberty of naming the main avenues after Ludlow, Frost and Hill, and the other streets Dorchester and Windsor. Concord street was so named by the Concord settlers in 1644.

X This land was purchased by the Rev. Noah Ilobart, and afterward occupied by the Rev. Andrew Elliot in 1779 ; a new house was erected after the town was burned in 1779, and recently occupied by Miss Eliza Hull.

1639] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 17

the street, opposite the Frost square. On the north-west corner of this, opposite the Meeting-house square, about three acres were laid out for a mihtary or pubHc park, which has ever since been called the " Meeting- house green." Between three and four acres more were laid out in the rear of this, that nearest the green for a home-lot and dwelling-house for the minister; and that on the north-east corner of the square for a burial place, which was called " Burial Hill." A pond of fresh, running water lay on the west side of the Meeting-house green, which some years after the settlement, was called Edwards' pond.''^ Stately buttonball trees stood like aged sentinels upon the green. On the south-west side of the Burr square was a street or lane, leading to the Sound ; and on the south- east or rear, a lane was opened, which closed on the north-east with the fence of Burial-hill — which was for many years the first and only grave yard of the town, and was much larger than it is at the present day.

Among those who joined Ludlow in September of this year, were William Frost, his son Daniel Frost, and his son-in-law John Gray, all of whom settled upon the Frost square.f William Frost took up his home- lot of two and one-half acres on the south-west side of the church and school land. About this time, or soon after, John Foster took up three acres in the rear of this lot. Next adjoining William Frost's lot on the west, Francis Purdie took up three and three-quarter acres, running through the square from the south-east to the north-west. Daniel Frost took up three and three-quarter acres west of this, which also extended through the whole width of the square. John Nichols, a brother of Isaac and Caleb Nichols, of Stratford, took up two and a half acres west of Daniel Frost. John Gray, who, before the month of May, 1639, had mar- ried Elizabeth a daughter of William Frost and widow of John Watson,, sold his house and home-lot in Lynn, Massachusetts, about the ist of August following, and before the 28th of September (perhaps accom- panied his father-in-law to Uncoway), took up two and a half acres on the south-east corner of Frost square. Henry Whelpley soon after took up three acres next adjoining John Gray's lot, extending to the south- west corner of the square. At a later date, John Green took up three acres on the north-west side of this square, between Henry Whelpley's lot and Daniel Frost's. Richard Westcot took up two and a half acres on the south-east side of the square between John Gray and John Nichols.

* So named from John Edwards, who purchased the Rev. John Jones' house and home-lot of Thomas Bennel, December 23, 1686. A, Town Deeds, p. 51.

t Leechford's Plain Dealing, p. loi. Record of Jacob Gray's land, Fairfield, A, Town Deeds. Will of William Frost, Conn. Col. Rec, Vol. i, p. 465. 2

1 8 HISTORY OP^ FAIRFIELD [1640

There appears to be every reason to believe that John and Thomas Barlow settled at Uncoway about this time, or very soon after, which seems to be fully substantiated by a record of 1653, that the land of Thomas Morehouse, ^^somc times''' or for some time previous, had been owned by John Barlow ; which must have been purchased by him at an early date, else some reference would have been made to its first owner. Daniel Frost had married Elizabeth, the daughter of John Barlow ; it is therefore a natural conclusion that these families, so closely allied by inter- marriage, should have journeyed to Uncoway together. Thomas Barlow, who was probably nearly related to John Barlow, took up five acres on the north-west corner of the Frost square, in the rear of the school and church land, next adjoining William Frost's and John Foster's land on the east. Abraham Frost also accompanied his father William Frost to Unco- way. The latter in his will mentions having purchased for this son the house and home lot of John Strickland of Wethersfield, who tarried but a short time at Fairfield, as soon after he is found at Long Island.""

These few families were the first settlers of Uncoway, and to them be- long the honor of breaking the soil of the fair fields and meadows of the town, and erecting the first dwellings and the first town and school-house. They were a small community, closely allied by ties of kinship and friend- ship. The hours were all too short for the labor necessary to accomplish building their dwellings and outhouses for their cattle, before the winter closed in upon them. The terror which some of them had endured from the Indians in the river settlements, and the miseries of a famine no longer har- assed them. Here the Indians were peaceably disposed, so that they slept in peace and rose in the morning refreshed for the labor of the day, while their hearts were made brave to endure the approaching winter months, with the wealth which the rich meadows, the fine forests, and the rivers and Sound promised them when spring opened.

In 1640, early in January, Governor Ludlow again made his way through the wilderness to Hartford, in order to be present at the assem- bling of the General Court, held on the sixteenth. At the opening of the court the governor informed those present " that the occasion of calling them together at that time was the importunity of their neighbors at Weathersfield, who desired to have some answer concerning Uncoa: & thereupon he related that himself with Mr. Wells, according to the order of the Court, went thither & took a view of what had been done by Mr. Ludlow there; & upon due consideration of the same, they had thought

* A, Fairfield Town Deeds, Thomas Barlow's land, p. 59 ; Savage's Gen. Die. ; Thomson's History Long Island.

1640] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT I9

fit, upon Mr. Ludlow's " assenting to the terms propounded by them, to confirm the same.

It appears that a division had occurred among the members of the Wethersfield church, which led to a number leaving that plantation and joining others. Those who first settled Stamford were from Wethers- field, and the Stricklands of Fairfield were also from that town. At a session of the General Court held on the 20th of February, " Mr Deputy, (which title was frequently given to the deputy-governor of the colony) was entreated to consider of some order concerning an inquiry into the death of any that happen either accidently or by violence, & for disposing the estate of Persons that die intestate ; & for y^ power of the magis- trate in inflicting corporal punishment, & present it to the next Court: & also what course may be best taken with any that shall buy or pos- sess lands within the jurisdiction of Connecticut, that the public good might be promoted." *

On the 26th of February Ludlow entered into a treaty with Mame- chimoh, the chief sachem of Norwake (Norvvalk), of whom he purchased all the lands lying " between the Saugatuck & Norwalk rivers to the middle of s'd rivers, & from the sea a day's walk into the country." Thus an- other plantation was secured to the jurisdiction of Connecticut. Again, on the 5th of March, Ludlow was present as one of the judges of a par- ticular court held at Hartford. Ludlow also purchased a tract of land of the Indians at Lewisboro (lower Salem), Westchester county, New York, i6th of February, 1640. Captain Daniel Patrick purchased the central portion of that town on the 20th of April, 1640. A few planters appear to have settled there at this early date, but no formal settlement was made until 1651, at which date the western part of the town was purchased. Greenwich was also settled about the same time, but revolt- ing to the Dutch, it was not regained until the charter of Connecticut was granted in i6d2, when it became a part of the jurisdiction of Con- necticut.

The spring opened with joyous promises to the planters. The winter had passed without disquietude from the Indians, or loss of numbers among themselves. The plow opened the rich meadows for the recep- tion of English grass seed, barley, oats, wheat and the Indian corn of the natives, as well as for vegetable seed, fruit stones and trees imported from

* This land was individually purchased by Roger Ludlow " in consideration of eight fathom of wampum, sixe coates, tenn hatchets, tenn hoes, tenn knives, tenn sissors, tenn Jewse harpes, tenn fathom tobackoe, three kittles of sixe hands about, & tenn looking-glasses." — Hall's Hist of Norwalk, p 30.

20 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1640

Eng-land. Ludlow was absent from the court of election held at Hart- ford on the 9th of April, at which time Edward Hopkins, Esq. was chosen governor and John Haynes deputy-governor. Ludlow was re-elected one of the magistrates, or assistant judges of the particular court. Governor Hopkins was instructed to give him the oath for the place of magistracy. This office, which he had held the year previous, gave him the power of enforcing the laws of the colony, administering justice and arbitrating all controversies in the town in which he resided. He was therefore th e first judge of Fairfield. It was also ordered that '' Mr Haynes, Mr Ludlow, and Mr Wells should settle the bounds between Pequannock and Unco- waye, on or before the 24. of June, according to their former commission ; & that they should tender the Oath of Fidelity to the inhabitants of the said towns, & make such free as they should approve." *

There is no record of any settlement at Pequonnock at that time, but from the earliest extant boundaries of lands in 1650, occasional reference is made to home-lots having been previously owned by Nicholas Knell — afterwards of Stratford — John Evarts and others. There is ground to believe that before the emigration from Concord in 1644, a few persons had settled on the King's Highway, near the green adjoining the old Pe- quonnock burying ground. Ludlow being the chief magistrate, and hav- ing laid out the first four squares at Uncoway as the centre of the town, it was natural that the most of those who came early should settle near by for mutual protection in case of an attack from the natives.

About this time the Indians began to be troublesome throughout the colony. The General Court therefore passed a law that if the watchmen of the towns should discover any Indians within the bounds of their plan- tations, or if found by the ward appointed for the day breaking open any house, or attempting the life of any person, it should be lawful for him to shoot them. Thomas Stanton, the interpreter between the Pequot In-

*The Oath of A Freeman. [Col. Rec. of Conn.]

" I, A. B being by the P''vidence of God an Inhabitant w"^in the Jurisdiction of Conecte- cott, doe acknowledge myselfe to be subiecte to the Government thereof, and doe sweare by the great and fearefuU name of the ever-liveing God, to be true and faythfull vnto the same, and doe submitt boath my p''son and estate thereunto, according to all the holsome lawes and orders that there are. or hereafter shall be there made, and established by lawful authority, and that I will neither plott nor practice any evell ag' the same, nor consent to any that shall so doe, but will tymely discover the same to lawful! authority there established : and that I will, as I am in duty bownd, mayntayne the honner of the same and of the lawfull magestratts thereof, pmioting the publike good of y', whilst I shall soe continue an Inhabitant there ; and whensoeu"' I shall giue my voate or suffrage touching any matter wch conserns this Comon welth being cauled thereunto, will give y* as in my conscience I shall judge, may conduce to the best good of the same, w'^out respect of p'sons or favor of any man. Soe help me God in or Lord Jesus Christe."

1640] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 21

dians and the English troops at Pequot swamp in 1637, was appointed to give notice of this order to all the Indian chiefs.

"No suitable place having been prepared for persons guilty of misde- meanor or crime, the court ordered that a house of correction should be built at Hartford." As Fairfield and Stratford were so far distant from Hartford as to make it inconvenient, in suits of appeal from the town court to the particular and General Court, Mr, William Hopkins, of Stratford, was appointed to join Ludlow in holding a particular court in each place. Ludlow was also appointed to collect tribute from the Indians. Every owner of appropriated grounds was required "to bound each particular parcell with sufificient mere-stones to preserve and keep them."

From the early records of Fairfield it is shown that the home-lots on the east side of Meeting-house green, for some years had no other separation than stones set in the ground at convenient distances. For want of any town records of those early days, imagination can only sup- ply the history of the first year of the planters of Unco way. Without doubt each man accomplished a daily round of hard manual labor. With the help of their own servants and the Indians, considerable progress must have been made in raising a supply of staple products for the necessities of the winter; and their horses, cattle and sheep were made healthy with sweet English grass, oats and hay. Probably the first town and school- house was built this year, which also served as a place of worship until the planters were able to erect a meeting-house. It stood a little north- west of the present Congregational church, facing towards the north-east. It evidently contained two or more rooms, and was used as a town and school-house until 1693, when it was given by the town to the Rev. Joseph Webb for a parsonage.*

Among those who joined the plantation during the year, was Henry Gray of Boston, the brother of John Gray, who soon after May, 1639, married Lydia, another daughter of William Frost. He appears to have lived with his father-in-law, who in his will, left him and his son, Jacob Gray, the Frost homestead. For want of data, it is not possible to give the precise time when all the early settlers came to Fairfield and Pequon- nock, before or after 1644. In several instances, besides those already mentioned, this can be done ; but the record of lands in 1650 supplies most, if not all the names of those who settled in the town previous to that date, and will be given hereafter.

* See gift of town or school-house to Rev. Mr. Webb, Letter B, Town Votes, p. 107. This property afterwards came into the possession of Eunice Dennie, wife of Thaddeus Burr, who deeded it to the Congregational parish, by which it was sold to private individuals.

22

HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1641

A great scarcity of money among the planters of Connecticut became a serious matter of legislative action at the assembling of the General Court, held at Hartford on the 7th of February. All available coins of the different nationalities which had been brought to America, had been used. Indian wampum, wampumpeag, or peag, which was made of the end of a periwinkle shell and the back part of a clam shell, was at first received in trafficking with the Indians, and for a time was used as money even among the planters. The beads were small and of white, black and purple, about a quarter of an inch in length, and in diameter less than a pipe-stem, drilled lengthwise, and strung upon a thread. The white beads were rated at half the value of the black or violet. At one time a fathom, or string of wampum consisted of 360 beads, and was valued at 60 pence, 6 white beads one penny, 360 black beads 120 pence, and three black beads one penny. Their value, however, varied from time to time.

The General Court, taking into consideration the great expense to which the colonists had been subjected in sending abroad for necessary articles of food and clothing, " & not knowing how the commonwealth could be long supported unless some staple commodities should be raised in order to defray their debts," passed the following acts:

That all possible encouragement might be given for the full employ- ment of men and cattle for the improvement of land, so that English grain could be raised by the planters themselves, by all disposed to im- prove their estates in husbandry, the court granted " one hundred acres of plowing ground & twenty acres of meadow, provided twenty acres were improved the first, & eighty the second year," which resolution was to take effect immediately. A committee was appointed to set forth the form and order, as to the manner in which each man's proportion should be laid out, with a competent quantity of upland; to the owner of each team a competent lot for a workman " to manage the business & carry on the work;" and to admit inhabitants to new plantations, and set out their bounds. All persons who gave in their names to the committee for this undertaking, were to have their divisions set out to them in regular order, next after the committee had made choice for themselves. If any person undertaking a hundred acres or less, should neglect or fail to be able to carry out the terms specified, the court reserved the power to dis- possess him of the grant, paying him a reasonable satisfaction for what improvements he had made. The court also reserved the power to refuse such applicants as they deemed unfit for the undertaking. All stock removed from one place to another was taxed in the place from whence it came, and the tax paid towards making roads, or other public im-

i64l] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 23

provements, until the new plantation should be capable of maintaining itself.

Governor Hopkins, having fitted out a vessel to be sent for a cargo of cotton to the Bermuda Islands, the General Court ordered that each plan- tation should receive its proportion according to its means of payment, to be made in English corn or pipe-staves, in which Fairfield shared. For preserving timber for pipe-staves, a law was passed that no timber should be felled within the bounds of the plantations, nor any pipe-staves sold out of the plantations, without the consent of the court, nor transported into foreign ports, until they were inspected and approved by a committee appointed by the court as to due proportion and size. A committee was also appointed to consider the best way to improve land, and to provide suitable fencing for the protection of growing crops ; and also to keep herds of cattle in the most economical manner. The skins and felts of cows and goats were ordered to be carefully preserved, and dressed for home use and for the market, under a penalty such as the court should approve. " That they might in time have a supply of linen among them- selves," it was made a law, that every particular family in the colony should procure and plant, within a year, at least, one spoonful of English hemp-seed, in some fruitful soil, at least a foot distant betwixt every seed ; the seed of the same to be carefully husbanded for another year ; and that every family should raise at least half a pound of flax or hemp. It was also ordered that every family possessing a team, even if not more than three draft cattle, should sow the second year, at least one rood of hemp or flax ; and every person who kept cattle, whether cows, heifers or steers, should sow ten perches, and tend and husband the same, or undergo the censure of the court. All country taxes were ordered to be paid ia merchantable Indian corn, at three shillings a bushel.

The debts of the plantations, either by labor of man, or cattle, or con-^ tract for commodities, were ordered to be paid in Indian corn at three shillings and four pence a bushel. Wampum, which since 1638 had been rated at six a penny was now raised, " to four a penny, & two-pence to be paid in the shilling." These laws, which were established for the growth and prosperity of the plantations of the colony, were the small beginnings of the fortunes of the early settlers of Connecticut. They had spent what money they brought with them ; and with manly energy they went about making new fortunes in a New World, by the literal sweat of their brows. It was made a crime, punishable by law, to waste even the smallest and most insignificant article which might be utilized by each individual family; thus establishing the prosperity of the united

24 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1641

commonwealth. This healthful care in the day of small things was the beginning of the success of the Connecticut planters, which their descend- ants have inherited. It always provided them with coffers well filled for. every emergency, both at home and abroad. It made the thrifty New Englander respected in all lands; and has won for New England the reputation of being the back-bone and sinew of the American people.

We also gather from the first of these resolutions, the manner in which landed estates were acquired by the planters, and the time when the first general laying out of the farming lands at Fairfield began. Its fair fields and rich meadows, under the passage of this law, must have attracted many to join the settlement. Another committee was this year appointed to visit Pequonnock "to settle the bounds between them & the Planta- tions on both sides of them, & to hear & determine the difference be- tween the inhabitants of Stratford among themselves."

It appears that Stratford claimed a certain number of acres on the west side of the Pequonnock river, so that between that plantation and Fairfield, the Pequonnock settlement was kept in a state of unrest sev- eral years. Ludlow was also required to exact of the Fairfield Indians the tribute yet unpaid and due, by articles formerly agreed upon. At the same time the deputies from the several towns were freed from watching, warding and training, until after the General Court terms ended.

That economy might be still better practiced, the General Court saw fit to legislate at this time on the subject of dress. The frequent arrival of vessels from England laden with such necessaries as the colonists re- quired, also brought over all kinds of fabrics for wearing apparel. The profit derived by the planters from exporting building materials, Indian corn, furs, medicinal plants, and dyeing woods, furnished them not only with means of exchange for their necessities, but also afforded them an op- portunity to indulge in pretty costumes. This evil the forefathers of New England endeavored to curtail as b^st they could from time to time. The magistrates of Connecticut found no little trouble in subduing the natural inclination of both men and women in their love of dress, which appears to have been regarded " as a sore and besetting sin ; " therefore, at the assembling of the General Court at Hartford, on the 9th of April, the following act was passed : " Notwithstanding the late order, concerning the restraint of excess in apparel, yet divers persons of several ranks are observed to exceed therein : It is therefore ordered that the Constables of every town within these liberties, shall observe & take notice of any

1641] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 25

particular person or persons within their several limits, & all such as they judge to exceed their condition & rank therein, they shall present & warn to appear at the Particular Court ; as also the said Constables are to present to the s'd Court, all such persons who sell their commod- ities at excessive rates." '^

"Our meaner sort that metamorphos'd are,

With women's hair, in gold & garments gay. Whose wages large our Commonwealth's work mar,

Their pride they shall with moderation lay : Cast off their cloathes, that men may know their rank, And women that with outward deckings frank."

— Johnson's Wonder Working Providence.

At the same time, in order to increase the interest of home-made linen in every family, all persons possessing more than one spoonful of hemp seed, were required to sell it to such of their neighbors as were not pro- vided with the seed, or else plant as many spoonfuls themselves as they had applicants for. Again on the 7th of June, the officers of the General Court met at Hartford, to take into consideration an excess in wages among all sorts of artificers and workmen. " It was hoped that men would be a law unto themselves ; " but, finding to the contrary, the following act was passed : " That able carpenters, plowrights, wheel-rights, masons, joiners, smiths & coopers, shall not receive above twenty pence a day for a days work, from the 10. of March, to the 11. of October; nor above 18. pence a day for the other part of the year. They were to work" eleven hours in the summer time, besides that spent in eating or sleeping, and ten hours in the winter. Mowers, in time of mowing, were not to receive " above twenty pence for a day's work." Artificers or handicraft men and chief laborers, were restricted to eighteen pence for the first half year as above, and not more than fourteen pence a day for the other part of the year. " Sawyers for slit-work," or three-inch plank, were not to exceed above three shillings six pence a day for boards by the hundred : also that all boards should not be sold for more than five shillings six pence a hundred.

The hire of " four of the best sort of oxen or horses with the tacklin," was not to exceed four shillings ten pence a day from the nth of March, to the nth of October, for eight hours' labor, except they were employed in breaking up upland ground, for which work four shillings ten pence was allowed, even if they worked but six hours. For the same teams they

*Col. Rec. Conn., i, 6.

26 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1641

allowed four shillings a day from the i ith of October, to the i ith of March, at six hours' labor. If any person either directly, or indirectly gave or took larger wages than this law allowed, they were to abide the censure of the court.

In order to promote the interests of exporting timber, for discharging debts or necessary provisions in exchange for cotton, sugar, molasses, spices and rum from the South and the Bermudas, on the lOth of September the General Court revoked the former order in regard to pipe-staves, and passed the following resolution, viz. : "that the size of pipe-staves should be four feet, four inches in length, half an inch at least in thickness, beside the sap." If under four inches in breadth, they were to pass for half staves, and none were to be accepted under three inches in breadth. An order was given that every town should appoint one experienced man who should be sworn to the service to inspect the staves, and that each parcel approved by him should be sealed. All such parcels approved and sealed, were made merchantable at five pounds per thousand. With vast acres of fine timber, and with one of the finest harbors on the coast, the planters of Fairfield, found an abundant source of wealth at hand. Black Rock became, and was for many years called, the sea-port harbor of Fairfield. The family of Grays appear to have been London merchants, and engaged in the New England shipping business with the Ludlow family. There is every reason therefore to believe that vessels were at an early date laden from Black Rock for England, Virginia and the West Indies. Among the first sea captains were Thomas Newton and John Cable.

Again another committee from Milford was appointed to settle the bounds between Pequonnock and Uncoway. In order to promote truth- fulness, the want of which appears to have given some trouble in the colony, the court passed the following law : " For preventing the fowl and gross sin of lying," when any person or persons were found guilty of that vice, the particular court was given power " to censure such parties, either by fine or bodily correction, according to their judgment and the nature of the fault."

About this time the Dutch gave the Connecticut settlers no little trouble in regard to their claims in the colony, and in selling arms and ammunition to the Indians. Mr. Edward Hopkins, who was about to make a voyage to England, was appointed by the General Court " to arbitrate or issue the difference between the Dutch & Connecticut, that the matter might be settled." The great fear entertained throughout New England at this time was, that the Indians would form a combination in a general war against the planters.

1642] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 27

A marked change was made at the General Court of election held at Hartford on the second Thursday in April. George Wyllis, Esq., was elected governor, and Roger Ludlow deputy-governor. Henry Gray was made a deputy from Fairfield. Previous to this time six magistrates had been annually chosen ; but now it was decided that the number should be increased to eight, probably on account this year of Stamford sending two representatives to the Connecticut Court. It was also agreed for the time being, that the particular court should be held "about once in a quarter of a year."

An order was issued that no person within the jurisdiction of Con- necticut should trade with the Indians on Long Island until further orders. Also, that no man within the colony should refuse merchantable Indian corn at 2s. 6d. a bushel for any contract made for the labor of man, cattle, or commodities, sold after the publishing of this order. The Indians be- coming still more troublesome, great fears were entertained for the safety of the settlements, it having been discovered that Miantonimo, chief sachem of the Narragansetts, had entered into a combination with So- heage or Sequin, the sachem of Matabeseck (Middletown), and Sassawin or Sequassen the sachem of Sicaogg (Hartford), for the extermination of the English throughout New England. Sequin had all along given the river settlements trouble ; and various efforts had been made by the Gen- eral Court to restrain his insolent conduct and acts of cruelty.

This plot was revealed to Ludlow by a Fairfield sachem. " About the 20th of August, the last day of the week, towards evening, there came the said Indian that lives near Mr. Ludlow's, in the field where he was with his hay makers, & desired that he might with Adam, h'y Indian,^ have some private talk. Mr. Ludlow with Adam accompanied him under a bush out of sight — he durst not go to Ludlow's house for fear of being suspected. Upon a promise of his name not being revealed, he pro- ceeded to relate that Miantonimo had been to Long Island, & had in- duced all the sachems of the Island to engage in a conspiracy against the English, giving each of them 25 fathom of wampum, 20 of white & five of black. All the sachems on the Island & upon the main from the Dutch to the Bay, & all the Indians to the Eastward had also pledged their assistance. Many opposed the plot because the English were too strong for them, but Miantonimo said it could be done only by their united effort. In order to gain or compass Uncas, the Mohawks were entreated to join them, which was effected. The reason assigned for this was that

* Adam was an Indian whom the General Court of Massachusetts granted to Governor Ludlow in 1634, " to entertain as a household servant." — Mass. Col. Rec, i, 127.

28 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1642

the Narragansetts feared they would be punished for John Oldham's death ; * & that the English got possession of the best places in the country & drove the Indians away."

The plot was to be executed the next winter; every Indian plantation was to attack the English adjoining, and if more English than Indians, they were to be assisted by their neighbors ; specially an attack was to be made on the principal magistrates and their families, which would easily dishearten the others. As soon as the Sabbath was over, Ludlow rode to New Haven and found that an Indian from Long Island had discovered the same to Governor Eaton, and that " upon Miantonimo's sending the head & hands of an Englishman to Long Island, which were to be sent among all the Indians on the island, they were to do the same, & send a head & hands to Miantonimo, meaning to knit them together." The next day Governor Ludlow went to Hartford, where an Indian of note, who it was feared would die of wounds, sent for Thomas Stanton and dis- closed the same facts.f

At this critical moment a special General Court assembled at Hartford, and agreed that a letter should be sent forthwith to the Baj/^ notifying them of the impending danger. The clerks of the bands in each town were ordered to be placed under oath by the governor, or some magistrate to examine every man's arms to ascertain the quantity of their powder and bullets, to take notice of all such as absented themselves at times of training, and to make a report of the same to the next court. The in- habitants of the towns were not allowed to permit the Indians to enter their houses ; and the magistrates were prohibited from admitting more than one sachem, provided he came only with two men. A guard of forty men " complete in their arms " was stationed around the meeting-houses every Sabbath and lecture day. Each member of the court agreed to take an oath to keep secret their determination to defeat the plot of the Indians. The General Court assembled again on the 8th of September, and passed the following resolution :

" Forasmuch as the Indians have grown Insolent & combyne themselves together, being suspected to prepare for war. It is ordered that no Smith within these liberties shall trade any instrument, or matter made of iron or Steele with them, nor deliver any that are already made, without ly cense from two Magistrates, nor buy any of their venison without further liberty be granted."

It was ordered, that every town should be provided within fourteen days " with twenty half pikes of ten foot in length, at least in the wood : "

* John Oldham was murdered by the Indians at Block Island in 1635. — Trumbull's Hist. Conn., I, 62. \ Mass. Hist. Coll., v. 3, s. 3, 161.

1642] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT

29

Also, that each plantation should have two ward-men to give notice of sudden danger ; to execute the order about admitting Indians into the plantations ; and that a competent number of men should be daily kept on guard. New Haven also became agitated by the hostile attitude of Governor Keift, who had dispatched an armed force, to break up the settlements in Delaware. Their trading houses were burned and several English planters imprisoned. The damage done amounted to about a thousand pounds.* One of the principal gentlemen of New Haven, by the name of Lamberton, was made an object of special indignities, and even an attempt made upon his life. Both Connecticut and New Haven made fruitless efforts to obtain redress. In the mean time they resolved to prepare for what seemed to be an inevitable war. On the 4th of October the General Court of Connecticut ordered that " there shall be 90 coats provided within these plantations within ten days, basted with cot- ton wool, & made defensive against Indian arrows."

Fairfield, while but a small plantation, and not yet subject to taxation or full representation according to the laws of the colony, was not called upon to furnish men. The planters were simply left to take care of them- selves as best they could. The consternation among them, however, upon the discovery of the Indian plot to destroy the English, must have been very great. The friendly sachem who had disclosed the conspiracy to Ludlow, no doubt held in check the other sachems and their men. An account of the condition of affairs at this time at Fairfield is given in William Wheeler's Journal, in the following words :

"The Indians about Fairfield were fond of war, and often soliciting the Old Indian chief, for leave to destroy the English. Once they obtained it on condition of pulling up a large neighboring white oak tree. Well, to work they went, and stript off its branches, but still the trunk baffled their utmost endeavors.

'Thus,' says the Old Sachem, ' wijl be the end of your war. You may kill some of their pappooses, but the old plaguey stump tother side the great waters will remain and send out more branches.' "

With that marvelous energy which Ludlow possessed, and which enabled him to be prepared for every emergency, he used all the pacific measures necessary to keep peace with the Indians in Fairfield and its vicinity, which he happily effected. The increasing population of the plantations, and the beginnings of new settlements, brought the necessity of an effort to secure further progress in law and jurisprudence. A body

* Trumbull's Hist. Conn., i, 119. Smith's History of New York, p. 4. Mrs. Martha J. Lamb's History of New York City, i, 97, 116. Bryant's History of the United States, i. Chapter, 17. Rec. United Colonies.

30 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1642

of capital laws which had been prepared were submitted to the General Court in December. They were founded upon the Scriptures, and were twelve in number. Although these laws were very severe, they were in reality much more lenient than the laws of the Massachusetts colony; and contrast in a remarkable manner with the capital laws of England, where so many offenses were punished with death."

Although a cloud of threatened annihilation at the hand of the Indians hung over all the New England settlements, prosperity had crowned the unwearying toil of the planters with an abundant harvest. Each settle- ment presented an orderly, thrifty aspect, and " the wilderness now blos- somed as the rose." The true condition of the settlements at this time is given by one of the most graphic writers of those days. In enumerat- ing the blessings which had followed the labors of the planters, he says : " First, to begin with the encrease of food, you have heard in what extream penury these people were in at first, planting for want of food, gold, silver, rayments or whatsoever was precious in their eyes they parted with, (when ships came in) for this their beast that died, some would stick before they were cold, and sell their poor pined flesh for food at 6 d. per pound, Indian Beans at 16. s. per bushel ; when Ships came in, it grieved some Masters to see the urging of them by people of good rank and quality to sell bread unto them. But now take notice how the right hand of the Most High hath altered all, and men of the meaner rank are urging them to buy bread of them ; and now good white and wheaten bread is no dainty, but even ordinary man hath his choice, if gay cloathing, and a liquerish tooth after sack, sugar and plums lick not away his bread too fast, all which are but ordinary among those that were not able to bring their owne persons over at their first coming ; there are not many Towns in the Country, but the poorest person in them hath a house and land of his own, and bread of his own growing, if not somecattel : beside, flesh is now no rare food, beef, pork, and mutton being frequent in many houses, so that this poor Wilderness hath not only Q(\w3X\z^d England \r\ food, but goes beyond it in some places for the great plenty of wine and sugar, which is ordinarily spent ; apples, pears, and quince tarts instead of their former Pumpkin Pie. Poultry they have plenty, and great rarity ; and in their feasts have not forgotten the English fashion of stirring up their appetites with variety of cooking their food ; and notwithstanding all this great and almost miraculous work of the Lord, in providing for

* No less than thirty-one kinds of crime were punished with death in England at the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign, which afterwards were more cruel and increased in numbers.— Palfrey Hist.. New England, 11, 27,

1642] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 3 1

his people in this barren desart, yet are there here (as in other places) some that use these good creatures of God to excess, and others to hoard up in a wretched and miserable manner, pinch themselves and their children with food, and will not taste of the good creatures God hath given for that end, but cut Church and Commonwealth as short also : Let no such think to escape the Lord's hand with as little a stroke as the like do in other places.

Secondly, For rayment, our cloth had not been cut short, as but of late years the traders that way have encreased to such a number, that their shops have continued full all the year long, all one England ; besides the Lord hath been pleased to encrease sheep extraordinarily of late, hemp and flax here is great plenty ; hides here are more for the number of per- sons than in England; and for cloth, here is and would be materials enough to make it; but the Farmers deem it better for their profit to put away their cattel and corn for cloathing, than to set upon making of cloth ; if the Merchant's trade be not kept on foot, they fear greatly their corne and cattel will lye in their hands: assuredly the plenty of cloathing hath caused much excess of late in those persons, who have clambered with excess in wages for their work, but seeing it will be the theam of our next discourse, after the birds are settled, it may be here omitted.

Further, the Lord hath been pleased to turn all the wigwams, huts, and hovels the English dwelt in at their first coming, into orderly, fair, and well-built houses, well furnished many of them, together with Orchards filled with goodly fruit trees, and gardens with variety of flowers: There are supposed to be in the Massachnsets Government at this day, neer a thousand acres of land planted for Orchards and Gardens, besides their fields are filled with garden fruit, there being, as is supposed in this Colony about fifteen thousand acres in tillage, and of cattle about twelve thou- sand neat, and about three thousand sheep: Thus hath the Lord incouraged his people with the encrease of the general, although many particulars are outed, hundreds of pounds, and some thousands, yet are there many hun- dreds of labouring men, who had not enough to bring them over, yet now v/orth scores, and some hundreds of pounds.

This spring Cowes and Cattle of that kind (having continued at an ex- cessive price so long as any came over with estates to purchase them), fell of a suddain in one week from ^22 the Cow, to 6, 7, or ;!^8 the Cow at most, insomuch that it made all men admire how it came to pass, it being the common practise of those that had any store of Cattel, to sell every year a Cow or two, which cloath'd their backs, fil'd their bellies with more

32 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1643

varieties than the Country of itself afforded, and put gold and silver in their purses beside."'-^

Fairfield and the other Connecticut settlements, in a measure enjoyed the prosperity of the older towns, from which the planters purchased cattle, etc., at the low rates above mentioned. In this way, however, considerable wealtll passed out of the colony.

In order to promote the shipping interests of Connecticut, the General Court passed a law, that all persons who had hemp seed should either sow it themselves, or sell it to others, for furnishing " cordage towards rigging of ships." Summer wheat in December was rated at 4s. ^d. a bushel ; rye at "^s. 6d. ; peas, y. 6d.; Indian corn 2s. Sd. The constables of the towns were ordered to receive produce only at these rates, or in wampum " at 6 a-penny." Pipe-staves were ordered to be 4 feet 6 inches in length, and in breadth and thickness the same as before. Good reals of 8^/8, and Rix dollars, were to be received and passed at five shillings apiece.f

A still more stringent law was enacted against selling arms or repairing them for the Indians. A fine of ten pounds was levied upon any one disposed to evade this law without a license from the particular court, or from two magistrates for every gun sold ; five pounds for every pound of powder ; forty shillings for every pound of bullets or lead. Where a fine could not be obtained, corporal punishment was ordered to be adminis- tered, at the discretion of the court.

At the court of election held April 13, Ludlow was elected an assist- ant and Henry Gray a deputy for Fairfield. A general confederation of the colonies for mutual protection had been agitated for some time, and now became a question of great moment throughout New England. In the month of March, John Haynes and William Hopkins Avere appointed to go to Massachusetts to effect this end, with instructions "to reserve the privileges of our fundamental laws." Governor Fenwick, who was in charge of the fort and plantation at Saybrook and vicinity, was invited to join the confederation, with the promise that none of his privileges should be infringed upon. That justice might be fairly meted out in cases of jurispru- dence, the subject of juries also became one of consideration. Juries appear to have existed from about 1640, as attendants upon the particular courts.

In the month of May the effort to bring about a general confederation of the colonies was most timely and happily effected. As early as 1638 articles of confederation for mutual protection, offense and defense, advice

* Johnson's Wonder Working Providence. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. 7, S. 2, 35-38. f Real — a small Spanish coin valued at about 2| pence sterling. A Rix dollar — a German, Holland, Denmark, and Sweeden coin, valued from 60 cents to $1.08, in the different countries.

i643] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 33

and assistance upon all necessary occasions were drawn. Mr. Fenwick, then governor at the fort at Saybrook, upon certain terms agreed to con- federate with the other colonies to bring about the union. In 1639 a month had been spent by Governor Haynes and Mr. Hooker in Massa- chusetts for this purpose. The affairs in England and those of New Eng- land made it a matter of necessity that His Majesty's colonies in America should unite for mutual protection and defense. Contrary to the first in- tentions of the pioneers of New England, the settlements had been ex- tended along the rivers and upon the sea coast, so that some of them were particularly exposed and defenseless against attacks from the Indians or foreign foes.

The difficulty which had previously prevented this union arose from an inability to agree upon equal terms with Massachusetts, which was the strongest and most arbitrary of the colonies. A variance existed between that colony and Connecticut, on account of the former claiming part of the Pequot country by right of assistance and conquest. They also had trouble in regard to their boundaries, both colonies claiming Springfield and Westfield. Notwithstanding their disagreements, in the month of May, commissioners were sent from Connecticut and New Haven to Bos- ton during the session of the General Court. A spirit of harmony and mutual conciliation appears to have controlled their meeting ; and on the 19th of May articles of agreement were signed by the colonies of Massa- chusetts, Connecticut and New Haven. They "entered into a firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, of offence and defence, mutual aid and succour upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagat- ing the truth and liberty of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare," under the name of The United Colonies of New England. Commissioners were present from Plymouth, but they did not sign the articles of agreement, as they had not been authorized to do so ; but at the meeting of the commissioners in September, they came vested with plenary power and added their signatures.

The articles agreed upon reserved to each colony an entire and distinct jurisdiction, and no two of them could be united into one, nor any other colony received into the confederacy without the consent of the whole. Two commissioners, who were required to be cliurch members, were to be chosen annually from each of the colonies, to meet on the first Monday in September, first at Boston and afterwards at New Haven, Hartford or Plymouth. A president was to be chosen from among themselves, and they were vested with plenary power to declare war and peace, and to make laws and rules of a civil nature. All decisions made by the com- 3

34 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1643

missioners were binding upon the colonics; except in case of disagree- ment or a majority under six, when the affair was to be referred to the General Court of each colony ; and could not be settled until the courts arrived at a unanimous agreement. Any breach of this compact on the part of one of the colonies to the injury of another, was to be settled by the other three colonies. Provision was made in regard to Indian fugi- tives from justice, and servants escaping from their masters. The expense of war was to be shared by each of the colonies in proportion to its ratable list of male inhabitants from sixteen to sixty years of age. No one colony could engage in a Vvar without the consent of the others. If any of the colonies were invaded, their magistrates were to notify the other colonies, which were to send immediate relief — Massachusetts a hundred and each of the others fifty-five men, and more if necessary, according to the determination of the commissioners. Should an emergency occur, or sudden danger arise, by which all the commissioners should not have time to meet, four might determine upon a war.

This union was one of great importance to the New England colonies. It made them formidable at home and abroad. The Indians and Dutch were held in check. It also called forth the respect of their French neigh- bors. Through the vicissitudes of forty years, it proved of the greatest advantage to all the colonies, and remained in force until King James II. abrogated their charters." The first notice of the existence of a grand jury is given at an extra session of the General Court held July 5, when it was ordered that a grand jury of twelve men should attend the particular court annually in May and September, and as often as the governor and court should have occasion to call them together. At all times they were to be warned to give their attendance.

To prevent ill-advised marriages, the following law was passed:

" Whereas, the prosperity & well being of Cofnon weles doth much depend vppon the well gouerment & ordering of particular Famiiyes, w^h in an ordinary way cannot be expected where the rules of God are neglected in laying the foundation of a family state ; For the preuention therefore of such evells & inconueniences, wc^ by experience are found not only to be creeping in, but practised by some in that kynd, It is Ordered, that no prson whatsoeuer, male or female, not being at his or her owne dispose, or that remayn- eth under the gouerment of parents, masters or gardians or such like, shall ether make, or giue entertaynement to any motion or sute in way of mariedge, wt^out the knowledge & consent of those they stand in such relation to, vnder the seuere censure of the Courte, in case of delinquency not attending this order ; nor shall any third prson or p^sons inter- medle in making any motion to any such, w'^^out the knowledge & consent of those vnder whose gouerment they are, vnder the same penalty." f

* Trumbull's Hist. Conn , i., 124-12S. f Col. Rec. Conn., i., cj2.

1643] ' DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 35

The alarm of a general insurrection among the Indians increased. Miantonimo arrogantly proclaimed himself to be the chief sachem of all the New England tribes. Notwithstanding his treaty with the English at Hartford in 1638, at which time the conquered Pequots were divided between him and Uncas, he exhibited a spirit of great hostility towards Uncas, upon whom he visited his old hatred of the Pequots. His rancor- ous jealousy led him to plot against him, and to instigate others to acts of treachery 3.vi(\ murder. At the same time he continued by art and intrigue to excite the Indians throughout New England to exterminate the whites. Many of the Indians had purchased guns and ammunition of the Dutch and French. They were exceedingly warlike in their demeanor, and great fears existed of a speedy attack upon all the white settlements.

In July the General Court ordered that every plantation should be fully prepared for any emergency, and fines levied if the previous orders in this respect were not fully carried out. Letters were sent to the General Court of Massachusetts, requesting that one hundred men should be sent to assist the garrison at the fort at Saybrook. This demand was refused for the time being, on the ground of inexpediency. In the mean time the Dutch Governor had sent a letter of congratulation to Governor Winthrop on the union of the colonies. He complained of most grievous misrep- resentations on the part of Connecticut and New Haven to their agents in Europe. He requested to learn the spirit of the colonies towards him, " that he might know who were his friends or his foes." Governor Win- throp replied to this letter, expressing his deep regret that any difference existed between the English and the Dutch ; and suggested that their trouble should be settled either in England, Holland or America; that while the articles of confederation bound the colonies in New England in a bond of mutual protection, he hoped the old friendship between them and the Dutch would remain uninterrupted.

About this time an attempt was made by Miantonimo to murder Uncas. A report soon spread that the murder had been committed ; and Mianto- nimo in order to hide his own treachery, killed the Indian whom he had employed to commit the act. Sequin also joined in the plot against Uncas and the white planters. No sooner had this intelligence reached the set- tlements, than it was discovered that Miantonimo was marching upon the Mohegans with an army of nine hundred men, Uncas having been made aware of his approach, resolved that the Narragansetts should not enter his town. He hastily called together between four and five hundred of his men and went out to meet the enemy. A battle took place about four miles from the town in which he lived. The Narragansetts were put to

36 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1643

flight ; Miantonimo was taken prisoner, and carried in triumph to Hart- ford. He begged that he might be left to the mercy of the EngHsh, but at the request of Uncas, it was decided that he should be kept as his prisoner.

At the meeting of the commissioners of the united colonies at Bos- ton in September the conspiracy of Miantonimo against Uncas and the whites, and the murders he had committed, were proved. Lest the Narra- gansetts and the tribes tributary to them, should seek to avenge the death of their chief, it was decided to give him up to the mercy of Uncas, with the request that no torture or cruelty should be used, " but all moderation exercised in the manner of his execution." It was also decided that the colonies should assist in protecting Uncas against the Narragansetts, if they attempted to revenge upon him the death of Miantonimo, and " that Hartford furnish Uncas with a competent strength of English to defend him against any present fury or assault of the Narragansetts or any oth- ers." The outrages of the Dutch upon the New Haven settlements at Delaware, and those upon the Connecticut river towns and on Long Island were laid before the commissioners by Governor Hopkins and Mr. Fen- wick. It was decided that, as Governor Winthrop had previously in part answered the Dutch governor's letter, he should continue a further reply, by stating the injuries done by the Dutch to the English planters, and de- mand satisfaction ; and that while the united colonies would not wrong others, they should defend each other in a just cause.

The death of Miantonimo having been left to Uncas, he was immedi- ately notified of the decision. With some of his most trusty men to assist him, he took charge of his prisoner; and with two Englishmen, appointed to see that no tortures were inflicted, they all marched to the spot where he had been taken. " At the instant they arrived on the ground, one of Uncas' men, who had marched behind Miantonimo, split his head with a

hatchet, killing him at one stroke Uncas cut out a large piece of his

flesh & ate it in savage triumph. He said, 'it was the sweetest meat he ever ate ; it made his heart strong.' " He ordered that he should be buried where he fell, and caused a heap of stones to be erected over his grave. The spot has ever since been called Sachem's Plain, and occupies a beau- tiful rise of ground in the eastern part of Norwich.

In accordance with the resolutions of the commissioners, both Con- necticut and New Haven sent armed men to protect Uncas. Governor Winthrop sent messengers to Canonicus, the aged Narragansett sachem, acquainting him with the mischievous plot of Miantonimo, and justifying his execution by his violation of the treaty of 1638, his attempt to mur-

i643] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 37

der Uncas, and his intrigues against the Vv'hites. They then offered peace to him and the Narragansetts, in the name of the united colonies. The General Court of Connecticut passed a law authorizing the governor, the deputy-governor, or two magistrates " upon any sudden occasion or immi- nent danger to press men & ammunition for the defence of the country in their necessary travel from town to town : also that each of the towns should have fixed places, where guards should be stationed, from which points in case of danger the inhabitants might be given timely alarm." To avoid quarrels with the Indians, the planters were forbidden to trust them with goods or commodities, under a penalty of double the value of the sale; and " that they should not trade with the mat or in their wig- wams, but in vessels or Pinnaces, or at their own houses, under a penalty of 20 s. each time."

In addition to the guard of forty men, it was ordered that one man out of every family should go fully armed to the meeting-house on the Sab- bath and lecture days, under a fine of I2(^. for every neglect of the same, " whereof 6 d. was to be paid to the party that should so inform, & 6 d. to the public treasury." A tax of forty pounds was levied on all the towns for repairing the fort at Saybrook. According to the determination of the commissioners, the soldiers in each of the towns were required to train six days in the year, which days should be appointed by the captains or chief officers of the train bands, namely, on the first weeks of March, April, May, September, October and November. " If the day appointed proved unseasonable, the Officers were to appoint the next fair day." Eight o'clock was the hour set for the training to begin. Those who were absent on such occasions were to be fined 2s. 6d. for every default, except they had been given a license for leave of absence under the hand of two magistrates. The clerks of the bands were to levy upon the delinquents within fourteen days after the forfeiture, and to take 6d. for themselves, and pay the remainder towards the maintainance of drums, colors, etc. If the clerks neglected their duty, they v/ere obliged to pay double the amount of the soldier's fine. Those who were deemed expert soldiers were allowed release on half a day's duty. Roger Ludlow was appointed to call forth the soldiers of the towns " upon the sea coast," and to exer- cise them according to the above act, until some other officer should be appointed in his place. Thus Ludlow was not only the first judge of the town and county court, but the first military officer of Fairfield, In this dread hour, when the inhabitants were few in numbers, upon Ludlow fell the care and protection of the plantation of Uncoway. Upon the Meeting- house green he assembled his small band of officers and men at home,

38 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1643

with the planters from the neighboring towns, and drilled them for the hour of approaching danger. Several within the past two years had joined the plantation, so that there were enough men to make a considerable show of resistance.

The appearance of an English soldier in those days was a formidable one to the red sons of the forest. His gay, military dress; his long pike of ten feet, tipped with sharp-pointed iron, which he carried in a rest fastened to a belt around his waist ; his sword hanging in its scabbard at his side, and his long musket and steel bayonet, made him a spectacle of admiration and dread. But now that the Indians possessed English muskets, which they used with great skill, their attitude was one more dangerous than ever before.

During this year the Dutch had cause to deplore the great wrong done by their traders, in selling arms to the Indians. A quarrel had arisen owing to a drunken Indian having killed one of their number. The Dutch demanded that the murderer should be given up to justice ; but their governor, not willing to excite the Indians, neglected to take steps in the case. In the mean time, some of the Dutch excited the Mohawks against the Indians in the vicinity of their settlements, who, in an unexpected moment, fell upon them, killing about thirty of their number. A Dutch captain, named Marine, obtained a commission from the governor to kill as many Indians as fell in his power. With a company of armed men he made a sudden attack upon them and killed about seventy or eighty men, women and children. The Indians, now fully aroused in that part of the country, began a furious and bloody war. They seized the Dutch cattle and hogs and burned them in their barns. Twenty or more Dutch- men were killed and others f^ed to their fort for protection. The Indians upon Long Island joined in the war, and burned the houses and barns of the Dutch planters. At this critical moment, the Dutch governor made application to Governor Eaton, of New Haven, to send one hundred men to his relief. In his extremity he also applied to Captain Underhill, of Stamford, to assist him, which so exasperated Captain Marine, that he presented his pistol at the governor, and would have shot him had he not been prevented by one who stood near. One of Captain Marine's attend- ants discharged his musket at the governor, and the ball hardly grazed him, when the man himself was shot dead by a sentinel. Those among the Dutch who had been determined upon a war with the Indians, now dreading its consequences, vented their indignation upon the governor for having given a commission to Captain Marine. In their fury they were ready to destroy him, and for his personal safety he was obliged to keep a

1643] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 39

guard of fifty Englishmen about him. The Indians continued their dep- redations and murders, so that by fall all the inhabitants of the Dutch and English settlements west of Stamford were driven in.

Among those most cruelly murdered, at this time, was Mrs. Anne Hutch- inson, who for her religious tenets had been banished from Boston. Not only she, but every member of her household, her son-in-law, Mr. Collins, and several neighbors were killed, numbering eighteen in all. The fury of the Indians made great havoc among the cattle and the ingatherings of the summer harvest, which were burned without resistance.

The Dutch on Long Island who had been obliged to escape from their plantations to their fort, were driven to the necessity of killing their cattle for subsistence, until their condition became one of great distress, and one which called for Christian aid from their English neighbors.

New Haven had refused to send men to the assistance of the Dutch governor, upon the ground that it was incompatible with the articles of confederation. They also questioned the justice of this war. Neverthe- less, it was decided to send them all the corn and provisions necessary for themselves and their cattle. Captain Underbill, of Stamford, rendered them great assistance. With a flying army of from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and fifty English and Dutch, he protected their settlements from total annihilation. It was estimated that he killed about five hundred Indians on Long Island. The Stamford Indians caught the war spirit of the neighboring tribes, and fears were entertained that the settlement would be cut off. In their distress they called upon New Haven to protect them, according to the articles of confederation, or bear the expense of their losses. The Narragansetts were enraged at the execution of Miantonimo. Every white man bore arms, and the gloom of a speedy conflict with the Indians on all sides, filled the hearts of the whites .with the greatest apprehensions.

The General Court of Connecticut appointed Wednesday, the 6th of June, as a day of fasting and prayer in all the towns throughout the juris- diction. The same day was observed in the New Haven plantations. Prayers were also offered for their gracious sovereign, King Charles I., around whom raged the horrors of a civil war. So great was the alarm among the chief officers of the colony, that, on the 3d of January, the General Court of Connecticut ordered "one day in each month to be set apart as a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer, according to the course of their neighbors in New Haven, to begin upon Wednesday, the 10. inst." From Stamford the war spirit reached the Indians at Fairfield.

In the spring a man from Massachusetts was murdered by an Indian

40 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1644

near Stratford. Ludlow demanded that the murderer should be given up to justice. This the Indians agreed to do, and desired that ten men should be sent out to receive him. When they saw the Englishmen approaching them, by mutual consent they unbound the prisoner, who forthwith plunged into the forest and made good his escape.

Ludlow regarded this treacherous act to be an insult to the town, seized eight or ten Indians, one or two of whom were sachems, and imprisoned them, until the murderer should be brought to him. The Indians then rose in the most hostile manner. Ludlow wrote to New Haven for advice and assistance. Twenty well-armed men were dispatched to his relief. In the mean time four of the neighboring sachems entered the town, and promised Ludlow that if the imprisoned Indians were released, they would deliver up the murderer to justice within a month. This proposition was agreed upon, and the prisoners were released, but there seems to be no evidence that they kept their word.

The rise of the Indians in Virginia and the horrible massacre of the whites which followed gave grounds for the belief that a further combi- nation had been made between the Southern and New England Indians, for the extermination of all the white men in the country. Notwithstand- ing the dangers which surrounded them, the work of bringing order out of confusion was continued by the General Court.

In order to prevent unnecessary trials before juries, it was decided that all suits under 40s. should be tried before the court of magistrates ; and that in all jury cases the magistrates should have power, in case the jury disagreed, to send them out a second time. If they then disagreed, and did not render a verdict according to the evidence given in, the court was granted power to summon a new jury ; and to alter the decisions of a jury in amount of damages given in "as should be judged most equal and righteous." If four out of a jury of six, or eight out of twelve agreed, their verdict was to be decisive. That honesty among merchants might be firmly established, the clerks in the several towns were required once in every year, to appoint a certain day and place, to give timely notice for the inhabitants to bring in their measures for inspection, that they might be tried and compared with the standard weights, measures, etc. Only such yards, weights and measures as had been sealed were to be sold. Good linen and woolen yarn fell under a careful inspection. Any one failing to obey orders, was subject to a penalty of I2(/. each default, to be collected by the clerks ; and if upon trial any measures were found lower than the standard, they were to cut out the seal. Owing to the injury done in the colony by sea captains and such as sold wine

1644] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 4I

and liquor from vessels and in private houses, it was ordered " that no person should sell wine, liquor or strong water in any place, without a license from the particular court, or from two magistrates."

Seven men were to be chosen from each plantation to write out their individual opinions as to the manner in which the public lands might be improved for the common good ; and their decision or that of any five of them was to control the other planters. This committee was also to order the common fencing around land under cultivation. It was provided that any particular person or persons should have liberty to fence his own allotments according to his or their discretion by mutual agreement, notwithstanding the above order.

On the 3d of June the following important act was passed.

" Whereas many strayngers & passengers vppon occation haue recourse to these Townes, are streightened for waint of entertainment, It is now Ordered, that these seuerall Townes shall prouide amongst theselues in each Towne, one sufficient inhabitant to keepe an Ordinary, for provisions & lodgeing, in some comfortable manner, that such passengers or strayngers may know where to resorte ; & such inhabitants as by the seuerall Townes shall be chosen for the said shall s^aruice, be presented to two Magis- trats, that they may be judged meet lor that imployment ; & this to be effected by the severall Townes w"' in one month, under the penalty of 40 s. a month, ech month ether Towne shall neglect y'."

Servants and apprentices were not to spend their time to their own advantage, under a penalty of serving their masters threefold the time so spent after their time of service had expired. The clerks in each of the towns were required to keep a record of all marriages and births within three days after a marriage or the birth of a child. A penalty of 55-. was laid upon any man who did not within three days register his marriage. At this time Ludlow requested an answer to his letter, asking the General Court to determine the manner in which he should lay a tax upon the inhabitants of Stratford and Uncoway, and also to decide what he should charge for his services to the country. As yet Fairfield had not been subject to a pubhc tax. According to the laws of Connecticut, before a company was allowed to enter upon the work of a new settlement, the General Court required that they should prove themselves capable of col- onizing a town and maintaining a clergyman.

Thus far the town of Fairfield had steadily increased in numbers ; but as yet no church had been built nor any regular minister settled over the parish. It was the custom in those days in the beginning of a settle- ment for the ruling elders and deacons to carry out the discipline of the society, until the services of a pastor could be secured. The anticipation.

42 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1644

however, of a settled minister, with an increase in numbers from Concord, very considerably brightened the prospects of the plantation, so that Ludlow, eager to obtain the full privileges of an incorporated town, had applied to the General Court, to fix the amount by which the inhabitants should be taxed.

The heavy taxes at this time laid upon the plantations of Massa- chusetts, had become burdensome to many, and especially to the planters of Concord, who, to their great disappointment, "found the soil of that town very barren & the meadows wet & useless." In 1643 they petitioned the General Court to abate their taxes on this account. An- other difficulty had also arisen in regard to their inability to support two ministers. Some refused to bear their proportion of the public charge, some removed to older or newer settlements, and others returned to England, so that the town rapidly decreased in numbers.

In the summer of 1644 the Rev. John Jones, with about one-seventh or one-eighth of the planters of Concord and their families removed to Fairfield. The list of those who came, so far as it can be gathered from authentic sources is as follows.

Rev. John Jones. Joseph Middlebrook.*

Thomas Bulkley. John Thompkins.

Daniel Bulkley. Ephraim Wheeler.

Thomas Jones. Thomas Wheeler, jr.

William Bateman. James Bennet.

William Odell. Richard Letten.

John Evarts. Benjamin Turney.

Peter Johnson. George Square.

Thomas Wheeler, sr., according to the Wheeler journal, had joined the plantation in 1640, and was, as has already been stated, the first settler at Black Eock.t Ephraim Wheeler, Thomas Wheeler, sr., Thomas Wheeler, jr., William Odell, John Evarts, Joseph Middlebrook, James Bennet, Peter Johnson and Benjamin Turney afterwards settled at Pequonnock. There is ground for believing that some of this company first settled at Black- rock and very soon after went to Pequonnock. The others remained at Fairfield. Several joined the settlement this year from other towns, among whom were William Hill, sr., his son William Hill, jr., Richard Westcoat, John Green, Charles Taintor, Samuel Gregory, James Beers, Jehu and John Burr, with their kinsman John Cable. Besides these there are others, of which mention will be made hereafter. The Rev. John

* Shattuck's History of Concord.

f This statement does not agree with Shattuck or Savage, yet it may be true.

1644] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 43

Jones was granted about seven acres of land in the rear of the Meeting- house green, six acres of which was afterwards called his orchard.* His dwelling-house, which probably had been built before his coming, stood back of Edward's pond, with mere-stones between it and the green, run- ning from the north-west corner of his land straight to Jehu Burr's home- lot. Thomas and Daniel Bulkley were granted home-lots in the Newton square, on the north-east side of the green, adjoining the parsonage land. The street running to the Sound between this square and the green was given the name of Concord street. Thomas Jones was granted the corner home-lot south-east of the Bulkleys ; and William Hill, sr., a home-lot north-east of the Newton square, on Dorchester street, bounded north- west by the land of Peter Johnson and Robert Turney ; south-east by his son William Hill, jr., and south-west by a highway running to the beach. He afterwards purchased of Alexander Briant, of Milford, the north-east corner lot of the Newton square, upon which he lived at the time of his death, which occurred before 1650, at which time this place is called that of his widow Sarah Hill. George Hull's home-lot lay north-west of William Hill's ; William Bateman's on the same side of the square, between George Squire's and a lot for many years after called Lewis' lot.f John Thomp- kins' home-lot lay west of the pond afterwards called Hide's pond.

There appe-ars to have been a second dividend of the common lands about this time. Stratford laid claim to all the lands at Pequonnock lying on the east side of Mutton lane, which some years afterwards received the name of Division street. All that part of Pequonnock south-east of Golden-hill, between this lane and the Pequonnock river, was given the name of Wolves' Pit plain. It was the custom in those days to dig deep pits in the woods and on the plains, into which wolves and foxes unsus- piciously fell, and were taken by the planters. The high land at the harbor, west of Mutton lane, was called Greenlea.:}: North of Greenlea, and west of Mutton lane lay the earliest settlement of Pequonnock. The small green near the old Pequonnock burying-ground appears to have been the common green used for training, etc. North-east and south-east of this green the first planters took up their home-lots. As their num- bers increased, some of them, with their sons and sons-in-law erected

* This property afterwards fell into the possession of the Bulkleys, and is now owned by the Glover family. Daniel Bulkley's land is mentioned as having been willed to his brother Thomas, in A of Town Deeds, p. 267.

f This lot was granted to William Hill, jr., the 13. Feb. 1670 (A, Town Deeds, p. 96), and is now owned by Judge S. Glover.

J Seaside park and the beautiful residences north of it once formed a part of Greenlea.

44 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1644

dwellings at Greenlea. Others found home-lots and fine farming lands along the gradual rise of Tilesome (Toilsome) hill, the summit of which overlooks a magnificent view of the surrounding country and Long Island Sound.

On the east of the settlement, to the west banks of the Pequonnock river, was the Indian reservation of Golden-hill. Another reservation, called the Old Indian Field, which has already been mentioned, was laid out on a neck of land east of the Uncoway river at Black Rock.

North-west of what was called the Old Indian Field at Black Rock was Try's field,* celebrated for having been the spot upon which the witch Knap was hung, and on the south-east Fairweather island and the village or " the plain of Black Rock." Fairweather island at that time, like the coast all along the Sound, was covered with beech trees. A road extended from Division street to the south-west end of the island, shaded by these trees. From time to time the cutting down of the beech trees for fuel, very materially affected the size and shape of the island, causing the sand and soil to be washed down into the harbor. Black Rock was so named from the black grass or salt grass, and the dark color of the rocks extend- ing out into the Sound. Grover's-hill, which rises southward from the plain to a considerable height, affords a magnificent view of the Sound and the surrounding country. It was probably one of the points at a very early date, from which the guards of the town watched the maneuvers of the Indians, and the approach of Dutch and foreign vessels at this hostile period. The point of land rising between the west bank of the Uncoway river and the salt meadows on the west, was for many years called See- ley's point, and at a later date the Penfield mill property ; while the rise of meadow land west of the salt meadows, received the name of Paul's neck. The hill which rises at the junction of the Uncoway river and Uncoway or Mill creek, was for many years called the Old Mill-hill. North-v/est of this hill, between Paul's neck and Ludlow's pasture lot, lay the Windsor field. North of this, stretching towards Pequonnock, was the Concord field. A rise of ground in this field, overlooking a wide expanse of scenery, has been called Nature Displayed. North of this rises Holland hill, first called Tunzix hill. North-west of this hill lies Fairfield woods, in which was another wolves' swamp. At the foot of Holland hill, a peculiar bend in the old king's highway, gave rise to the name of Cheer, or Chair swamp. South-west of Concord field lay Barloius plains, extend- ing through to Mill river. This plain was named after John Barlow, who removed thither from the Ludlow square. The locality appears to have * Will of Henry Jackson, Fairfield Probate Records, 1682.

1644J DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 45

been an aristocratic part of the town, a fine park having been laid out in it, around which the planters took up their home-lots. It became in time a famous resort for " turkey matches." Another place for these turkey- matches was on the Black Rock turnpike near samp-mortar rocks,* A medicinal spring existed here called the Honey-pot, so named from honey found near it, the waters of which the Indians believed possessed great healing properties. North-west of the park rises Clapboard hill, on the north of which is Osborne's hill, and on the west Round hill. The land lying between Barlow's plain and Hide's pond, was called " The Rocks^ Between Paul's neck and Concord street, extending to the Sound, was the " middle meadow." All the upland on the coast lying between Concord street and Sasco neck, was called the " the great meadozv before the tozun." Within this meadow, near Burial hill, was another pond surrounded with reeds. Seventeen acres running from the rear of Burial hill and the Burr property to the sea-beach, belonged to Ludlow, through which, from the north-west to the south-east was " a strip of reeds." West of this field, in the rear of the Burr square, were dense woods called Wolves' swamp. Along the coast south-west of Wolves' swamp to Sasqua hill, lay Sasqua neck, through which runs Pine creek. The land in this neck is intersected with innumerable small streamlets, which at high tide in those days over- flowed the meadows. The island now known as Ward's island was soon afterwards allotted to Simon Hoyt, and called Hoyt's island. North-west of this lay another small island, named Evarts' island, while an island east of Pine creek covered with pines, at a later date granted to the Rev. Sam- uel Wakeman, was named Wakeman's island. Hawkins' point lay east of this island and Pine creek, while east of these lay the island or peninsula, now known as the Penfield reef, the Cows, and the causeway, upon the extreme east end of which stands a government light-house. Flat island is still found at the mouth of Pine creek. Between Sasqua neck and Mill river rose Sasqua hill, the summit of which commands an extensive view of Long Island Sound, Fairfield, Mill-plain, and the Sasqua fields on the west of the river. The beautiful valley southwest of Barlow's plain and the Rocks was given the name of Mill plain. The Sasqua fields lay between the Vv^est banks of Mill river and Maxumux or Bankside. The small winding stream which runs out of the west side of Mill river, a short distance above the mouth of the harbor, still retains the name of Sascoe creek. The stream which empties into the Sound about half a mile west of this creek, near Frost's point, also retains the name of Sascoe river. About one mile from its mouth it widens to a considerable extent, form-

* Testimony of Mr. Stephen Morehouse of Fairfield.

46 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1644

ing a large pond, which was called '' the great pond,'' "the great mill pond in the Sasqua fields," and afterwards Sasco pond. Two other large ponds were found in these fields, one of which still exists, and is situated about half a mile south-west of the Sascoe mill pond. The other was but a short distance north-east of Pequot swamp, but was drained and filled up within the present century."

The highway which extended from Fairfield to Maxumux, forked from the Fairfield turnpike leading into Mill plain, across the fields to the east slope of Sasqua hill ; ran below the hills along the west bank of Mill river, until it crossed the stone bridge over Sasco creek, wound west a short dis- tance, when it again crossed a second stone bridge over the same stream called the Horse tavern (on account of its having been a drinking-place for horses) and taking a south-westerly course along the beach, crossed Sasco river to the grazing fields of Maxumux.

North and north-west of the town lay a vast wilderness of undivided land, inhabited by the Sasqua and Aspetuck Indians, which at a later date included the long lots and the upper meadow. These fields and meadows were portioned out. according to the necessity of the planters, to be improved by them, and were afterwards sold among themselves and to new-comers, although, in reality, they had no legal claim to them, save that authorized by the General Court of Connecticut.

The first grist mill was situated on the Sasqua river at Mill plain, and was erected by Thomas Sherwood of Fairfield. John Green soon after erected another mill above this on the same stream ; hence the name of Sasqua was changed to that of the Mill river.

The Indians becoming more troublesome than ever, led the commis- sioners of the united colonies to meet at Hartford in September.f It was agreed to send Thomas Stanton, with Nathaniel Willets, to the chief sachems of the Narragansetts, with the request that they should, for the time being, cease all hostilities against Uncas, until after a hearing before the commissioners. They were promised protection and a safe passage to and from Hartford. The Narragansetts sent one of their chief sachems with his attending counselors to accompany Stanton and Willets on their return. Uncas also appeared before the commissioners. After hearing

* This pond was drained and filled up by Noah Pike of New York, and made into a beautiful lawn before his residence, which he erected upon a rise of ground on the north-west of it, and at the present day is owned by the heirs of the late George Bulkley, Esq.

•j- The Indians all over the country were in a high state of hostility. " In Virginia they rose & made a most horrible sacrifice of the English, & it was imagined that there was a general com- bination among the southern & New England Indians to destroy all the colonies." — Trumbull's Hist. Conn., I., 145.

1644] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 47

the complaints alleged by the Narragansetts against him, whom they accused of refusing to receive a ransom offered for the life of Miantonimo, which they could not prove, it was agreed that all hostilities should cease ** until after the next year's time of planting corn." The Narragansetts also promised that at the end of this time they would not make war upon Uncas, without giving at least thirty days' notice to the governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Some of the Long Island Indians were also present. They stated that having paid tribute to the English since the Pequot war, and never having injured any white settlers, either English or Dutch, they desired a certificate of their allegiance to the English, and that they might be taken under the protection of the united colonies. A certificate was given upon their promising that they would live at peace with the neighboring tribes, and not join them in their hostilities against the Dutch or English.

A general trade with the Indians was proposed, under a stock company of five or six thousand pounds, which was defeated by the Massachusetts commissioners. It was agreed that the verdict of any one of the General Courts should be treated with all due respect by the other courts through- out the colonies, until some other evidence should make it null and void. The danger of selling fire-arms and ammunition to the French and Dutch was commended to the serious consideration of the several jurisdictions. Connecticut ordered " that no persons within her liberties should sell nether gun nor pistoll, nor any instrument of war to Dutch or French men, under the penalty of forfeiting twenty for one ; & suffering such further corporall punishment as the Court shall inflict."

The relief occasioned by the treaty with the Narragansetts and Long Island Indians, for the time being, caused great rejoicing in the colonies. The General Court of Connecticut appointed Wednesday the 9th of Sep- tember as a public day of thanksgiving throughout the jurisdiction.

The court also took into consideration the necessity of relieving the planters of a surplus amount of corn, which, since wheat and other English crops had been abundantly raised, had fallen in price and become unsale- able. It was deemed advisable to make some further effort toward send- ing it abroad, which hitherto had been prevented for want of vessels to export it. In order to encourage its cultivation for this purpose, it was ordered by the court that no English grain should be sold out of the Con- necticut river but to Edward Hopkins, Esq., Mr. William Whiting and such other merchants as they should appoint. These gentlemen were " to undertake the transportation thereof unto some parts beyond the sea," at the rate of four shillings a bushel. Wheat also and peas were to be sent

48 HISTORY OF FAIRFIELD [1644

and sold at three shillings a bushel. In case the vessel which transported " this adventure " was lost, one half of the valuation of the grain was to be at " the risk of the owners thereof." No one person was allowed to send more than one hundred bushels at a time. Upon the return of the ship the committee were to pay the owners of the grain, in the best and most suitable English commodities that were deemed necessary for the support of the plantations. At the same time it was made a law that any person who sent corn out of the country in any other way or by any other per- sons than by those the court appointed, should forfeit one-half the valua- tion of his grain, which was to be divided into equal parts, one-half to the discoverer of "the deceit," and the other half to be paid to the town treasury.

From the will of William Frost, dated 6th Jan. 1644-5, we learn that he left the following bequest : " And to the town of Uncowah I give & bequeath tenn pounds in good pay, towards building a meeting house to be paid when y* is half built." Henry Gray, his son-in-lavv^, was to pay this sum at the specified time, and Ephraim Wheeler and Daniel Frost, as over- seers of his estate, were to see that the will was " performed to the intent thereof." The church covenant, under which the first settlers of Uncoway united, was, without doubt, the same as that used by the members of the West Parish of Green's farms, and in the North-west Parish of Greenfield hill, the covenant in both parishes being the same. The only extant par- ish record of the Fairfield church is that begun by the Rev. Joseph Webb in 1694. The first meeting-house erected at Fairfield was called Christ's Church, and stood upon the Frost square south-east the school and town house, facing north-east. It was evidently a building of good size and comfortable accommodations. The school-house probably served as a Sabbath-day house. The church society received the name of the Prime Ancient Society.

An important step toward the maintainance of ministers and poor young men at Harvard College was at this time taken by thy commission- ers of the united colonies. It was proposed that every person of intelli- o-^nce and means in all the plantations in the New England colony should voluntarily agree to give annually a certain fixed sum for these purposes. This order was confirmed by the General Court of Connecticut on the 25th of October. Mr. Jehu Burr and Ephraim Wheeler were appointed to this trust for Fairfield.

Cattle of all kinds were kept by herdsmen annually appointed and paid by the towns to care for them. The Maxumux land was a favorite grazing place. In those days, while bears and wolves were numerous, a

1645] DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 4g

herdsman was indispensable. That each owner might be able to recognize his cattle or swine in case they strayed from the herdsmen, a law was passed requiring that every owner should have ear marks or brands on all his animals over half a year old (except horses), and that their sev- eral marks be registered in the town book. Letter B of Fairfield Votes presents many interesting marks of the different owners of cattle.

The previous requirement in the fundamental order, that the General Court should consist of a governor, or some one appointed by him as mod- erator, with four other magistrates, was changed at this time, and it was made lawful for the governor or deputy-governor and a large part of the magistrates and deputies to be a legal court. At the court of election held on the loth of April, Ludlow was chosen one of the magistrates of the General Court, and Thomas Newton a deputy from Fairfield. The requirement of six days in the first weeks of the several months for train- ing was changed to three days.

Two colony fairs were annually allowed to be held at Hartford, on the second Wednesdays in May and September.

The distance of Fairfield from Hartford seriously interfered with cases referred to the General Court, in consequence of which Governor John Haynes, upon the motion of Ludlow, in behalf of the plantations, " con- sented to hold a court twice this year at the seaside," with liberty to take what magistrates he pleased with him. The appearance of the governor himself